area handbook series 

Ghana 

a country study 



Ghana 

a country study 

Federal Research Division 
Library of Congress 
Edited by 
LaVerle Berry 
Research Completed 
November 1 994 



On the cover: Gold weight in the form of a portrait 
mask (Asante) 



Third Edition, First Printing, 1995. 

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data 

Ghana : a country study / Federal Research Division, Library 
of Congress ; edited by LaVerle Berry. — 3rd ed. 

p. cm. — (Area handbook series, ISSN 1057-5294) 
(DA Pam; 550-153) 

"Supersedes the 1971 edition of Ghana : a country 
study, coauthored by Irving Kaplan et al." — T.p. verso. 

"Research completed November 1994." 

Includes bibliographical references (pp. 319-349) and 
index. 

ISBN 0-8444-0835-2 (he : alk. paper) 
1. Ghana. I. Berry, LaVerle Bennette, 1942- . II. 
Library of Congress. Federal Research Division. III. 
Series. IV. Series: DA Pam ; 550-153 
DT510.G44 1995 95-18891 
966.7— dc20 CIP 



Headquarters, Department of the Army 
DA Pam 550-153 



For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office 
Washington, D.C. 20402 



Foreword 



This volume is one in a continuing series of books prepared 
by the Federal Research Division of the Library of Congress 
under the Country Studies/Area Handbook Program spon- 
sored by the Department of the Army. The last two pages of this 
book list the other published studies. 

Most books in the series deal with a particular foreign coun- 
try, describing and analyzing its political, economic, social, and 
national security systems and institutions, and examining the 
interrelationships of those systems and the ways they are 
shaped by cultural factors. Each study is written by a multidisci- 
plinary team of social scientists. The authors seek to provide a 
basic understanding of the observed society, striving for a 
dynamic rather than a static portrayal. Particular attention is 
devoted to the people who make up the society, their origins, 
dominant beliefs and values, their common interests and the 
issues on which they are divided, the nature and extent of their 
involvement with national institutions, and their attitudes 
toward each other and toward their social system and political 
order. 

The books represent the analysis of the authors and should 
not be construed as an expression of an official United States 
government position, policy, or decision. The authors have 
sought to adhere to accepted standards of scholarly objectivity. 
Corrections, additions, and suggestions for changes from read- 
ers will be welcomed for use in future editions. 

Louis R. Mortimer 
Chief 

Federal Research Division 
Library of Congress 
Washington, DC 20540-5220 



iii 



Acknowledgments 



The authors wish to acknowledge the contributions of the 
coauthors of the 1971 edition of Ghana: A Country Study. Their 
work provided general background for the present volume. 

The authors also gratefully acknowledge the numerous indi- 
viduals in various government agencies and private institutions 
who gave of their time, research materials, and expertise in the 
production of this book. These individuals include Ralph K. 
Benesch, who oversees the Country Studies/Area Handbook 
program for the Department of the Army. 

The staff of the Federal Research Division who contributed 
directly to preparation of the manuscript also deserve recogni- 
tion. These people include Sandra W. Meditz, who reviewed all 
drafts and served as liaison with the sponsoring agency; Mari- 
lyn L. Majeska, who managed editing and production; Andrea 
T. Merrill, who edited tables and figures; Ramon Miro and Tim 
L. Merrill, who provided research support; and Barbara Edger- 
ton and Izella Watson, who did word processing. Stephen C. 
Cranton, David R Cabitto, and Janie L. Gilchrist prepared the 
camera-ready copy. 

Also involved in preparing the text were Peter J. Tietjen, who 
edited the text; Helen Chapin Metz, who helped with editing; 
and Carolyn Hinton, who performed the prepublication edito- 
rial review. Joan C. Cook compiled the index. 

David R Cabitto prepared the graphics. Harriett R. Blood 
prepared the topography and drainage map; Thomas D. Hall 
drafted the remaining maps. David R Cabitto and the firm of 
Greenhorne and O'Mara prepared the final maps. Special 
thanks go to Teresa Kamp, who prepared the illustrations on 
the title page of each chapter and the cover art. 

The editor and the authors acknowledge the generosity of 
the Embassy of Ghana, the White House, James Sanders, and 
Brook, Rose, and Cooper Le Van, who allowed their photo- 
graphs to be used in this study. Staff of the Embassy of Ghana 
in addition provided invaluable guidance in the drafting of the 
rank and insignia charts. Finally, the editor wishes to acknowl- 
edge the support given by authors David Owusu-Ansah, Max- 
well Owusu, and Thomas R Ofcansky to this volume. Their 
devotion clearly exceeded the normal call of duty. 



Contents 



Page 

Foreword iii 

Acknowledgments v 

Preface xiii 

Table A. Chronology of Important Events xv 

Country Profile xix 

Introduction xxix 

Chapter 1. Historical Setting 1 

James L. McLaughlin and David Owusu-Ansah 

THE PRECOLONIAL PERIOD 5 

ARRIVAL OF THE EUROPEANS 8 

Early European Contact and the Slave Trade 8 

Britain and the Gold Coast: The Early Years 13 

THE COLONIAL ERA: BRITISH RULE OF THE 

GOLD COAST 16 

Colonial Administration , . 17 

Economic and Social Development 21 

THE GROWTH OF NATIONALISM AND THE END 

OF COLONIAL RULE 24 

Early Manifestations of Nationalism 24 

The Politics of the Independence Movements 26 

INDEPENDENT GHANA 30 

Nkrumah, Ghana, and Africa 32 

The Growth of Opposition to Nkrumah 35 

THE FALL OF THE NKRUMAH REGIME AND 

ITS AFTERMATH 36 

The National Liberation Council and the 

Busia Years, 1966-71 37 

The National Redemption Council Years, 

1972-79 42 

GHANA AND THE RAWLINGS ERA 46 

The Second Coming of Rawlings: The First Six 



vii 



Years, 1982-87 48 

The District Assemblies 53 

Chapter 2. The Society and Its Environment 59 

David Owusu-Ansah 

PHYSICAL SETTING 62 

Location and Size 62 

Geographical Regions 63 

Rivers and Lakes 70 

Climate 72 

POPULATION 73 

Population Distribution 74 

Urban-Rural Disparities 75 

Family Planning 77 

ETHNIC GROUPS AND LANGUAGES 79 

Language Diversity 82 

Major Ethnic Groups 83 

SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AND SOCIAL CHANGE 90 

Traditional Patterns of Social Relations 90 

Social Change 93 

Urban Society 96 

The Position of Women 99 

RELIGION AND SOCIETY 102 

Christianity and Islam in Ghana 104 

Traditional Religion 107 

Syncretic Religions 108 

HEALTH AND WELFARE 109 

HealthCare Ill 

Acquired Immune Deficiency 

Syndrome (AIDS) 114 

SOCIAL WELFARE 115 

EDUCATION 117 

The Education System 120 

Problems in Education 123 

Adult Education 124 

Chapter 3. The Economy 129 

Nancy L. Clark 

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND 1 32 

OVERVIEW OF THE CURRENT ECONOMY 1 36 

STRUCTURE OF THE ECONOMY 137 

viii 



Gross Domestic Product 139 

Debt and Inflation 140 

Trade 140 

ROLE OF THE GOVERNMENT 1 44 

The Economic Recovery Program 144 

State Enterprises 146 

Budgets 148 

BANKING AND CURRENCY 150 

Banking 151 

Currency 153 

LABOR FORCE 155 

National Requirements 155 

Income and Wages 157 

AGRICULTURE 158 

Cocoa 160 

Other Commercial Crops 162 

Food Crops and Livestock 164 

Forestry 165 

Fishing 167 

MINING AND PETROLEUM INDUSTRIES 1 68 

Gold 169 

Diamonds 173 

Manganese 173 

Petroleum Exploration 174 

MANUFACTURING AND TOURISM 1 75 

Manufacturing 175 

Electric Power 178 

Tourism 179 

TRANSPORTATION AND TELECOMMUNICATIONS .... 180 

Roads and Railroads 181 

Ports and Shipping 181 

Civil Aviation 183 

Telecommunications 183 

FOREIGN INVESTMENTS AND ASSISTANCE 1 84 

Investment 186 

Foreign Assistance and Loans 187 

Balance of Trade and Payments 188 

GROWTH TRENDS AND POTENTIAL 1 89 

Chapter 4. Government and Politics 191 

Maxwell Owusu 



IX 



THE PROVISIONAL NATIONAL DEFENCE COUNCIL. . . 194 

The Political Scene under the PNDC 196 

Revolutionary Organs 199 

THE TRANSITION FROM MILITARY RULE TO 

DEMOCRATIC GOVERNMENT 200 

Political Ferment under the PNDC 200 

Interest Groups and National Politics 203 

District Assembly Elections 206 

Charting the Political Transition 208 

Presidential Elections 211 

Parliamentary Elections 215 

THE FOURTH REPUBLIC 216 

The 1992 Constitution 216 

The Judiciary 219 

The Civil Service 222 

The Media 222 

Regional and Local Government 224 

POLITICAL DYNAMICS UNDER THE 

FOURTH REPUBLIC 227 

Launching the Fourth Republic 227 

Developing Democratic Institutions 230 

FOREIGN RELATIONS 235 

Guiding Principles and Objectives 235 

Relations with Immediate African Neighbors 237 

The Organization of African Unity 

and the Rest of Africa 243 

Britain and the Commonwealth 245 

The United States 246 

Other Countries 248 

International Organizations 251 

FUTURE DEMOCRATIC PROSPECTS 252 

Chapter 5. National Security 255 

Thomas P. Ofcansky 

INTERNATIONAL SECURITY CONCERNS 258 

INTERNAL SECURITY CONCERNS 260 

THE ARMED FORCES IN NATIONAL LIFE 261 

The Armed Forces in the Past 262 

The Development of the Modern Army 268 

THE MILITARY AND THE GOVERNMENT 270 

The National Liberation Council, 1966-69 270 



x 



The Acheampong Regime, 1972-78 271 

The Akuffo Coup, 1978 272 

The 1979 Coup and the First Rawlings 

Government 273 

The 1981 Coup and the Second Rawlings 

Government 273 

THE MILITARY AND THE ECONOMY 276 

ARMED FORCES MISSION, ORGANIZATION, 

AND STRENGTH 277 

MILITARY MANPOWER, TRAINING, AND MORALE 278 

Manpower 278 

Training 279 

Morale 281 

Uniforms, Ranks, and Insignia 282 

FOREIGN MILITARY ASSISTANCE 282 

Britain 283 

Canada. . 286 

Soviet Union 286 

German Democratic Republic 288 

China 288 

Israel 289 

United States 289 

Italy 289 

Libya 290 

STATE SECURITY SERVICES 290 

CRIMINAL JUSTICE 293 

Criminal Code and Courts 294 

Prison System 296 

HUMAN RIGHTS 298 

MILITARY TRENDS 301 

Appendix. Tables 305 

Bibliography 319 

Glossary 351 

Index 355 

Contributors 379 

List of figures 

1 Administrative Divisions of Ghana, 1994 xxviii 

xi 



2 Asante Expansion and Major European Fortresses 

in the Eighteenth Century 10 

3 Administrative Divisions of the Gold Coast, 

mid-1950s 18 

4 Topography and Drainage 66 

5 Estimated Population by Age and Gender, 1990 — 76 

6 Principal Ethnolinguistic Groups 80 

7 Economic Activity, 1994 138 

8 Gross Domestic Product (GDP) by Sector, 1991 ... 142 

9 Employment by Sector, 1988 156 

10 Transportation System, 1994 182 

1 1 Structure of Provisional National Defence Council 

(PNDC), 1982-88 198 

12 Structure of Government of the Fourth 

Republic, 1994 218 

13 Structure of Local Government, 1994 226 

14 Officer Ranks and Insignia, 1994 284 

15 Enlisted Ranks and Insignia, 1994 285 



xii 



Preface 



This study replaces Ghana: A Country Study, which was com- 
pleted in 1971 during the second effort to establish republican 
government in Ghana under Kofi Abrefa Busia. Since then, 
Ghana has experienced four military governments and a third 
attempt at representative democracy before the inauguration 
of the Fourth Republic in January 1993. Since the early 1980s, 
the dominant developments in Ghana have been the adoption 
of an economic structural adjustment program backed by 
international lending agencies and a prolonged transition to a 
new form of elective government, both presided over by a mili- 
tary government headed by Flight Lieutenant Jerry John Rawl- 
ings. Rawlings continues to dominate political life, having been 
elected president in national elections in November 1992, one 
of the crucial steps in the latest attempt at representative gov- 
ernment. 

This edition of Ghana: A Country Study examines the record 
of the military government after 1981 and of the first two years 
of the Fourth Republic, 1992-94. Subsequent events are dis- 
cussed in the Introduction. 

This study is an attempt to treat in a concise and objective 
manner the dominant historical, social, economic, political, 
and national security aspects of contemporary Ghana. Sources 
of information used in preparing this volume include scholarly 
books, journals, and monographs; official reports of govern- 
ments and international organizations; Ghanaian newspapers; 
the authors' previous research and observations; and numer- 
ous periodicals. Chapter bibliographies appear at the end of 
the book; brief comments on some of the more valuable 
sources recommended for further reading appear at the end of 
each chapter. 

All measurements in this book are given in the metric sys- 
tem. A conversion table is provided to assist those readers who 
are unfamiliar with metric measurements (see table 1, Appen- 
dix) . A Glossary is also included to explain terms with which 
the reader may not be familiar. 

Place-names follow the system adopted by the United States 
Board on Geographic Names (BGN) . The authors have fol- 
lowed current and more accurate usage by using the term 
Asante rather than Ashanti in referring to one of the most 



xiii 



prominent of Ghana's peoples and indigenous states. The term 
Ashanti, which was generally employed during the pre-indepen- 
dence period, does, however, still appear in some geographic 
and commercial contexts. The reader should refer to the Glos- 
sary for further explanation. 

The body of the text reflects information available as of 
November 1994. Certain other portions of the text, however, 
have been updated. The Introduction discusses significant 
events that have occurred since the completion of research, the 
Country Profile and Chronology include updated information 
as available, and the Bibliography lists recently published 
sources thought to be particularly helpful to the reader. 



xiv 



Table A. Chronology of Important Events 



Period 



Description 



EARLY HISTORY 
ca. 10,000 B.C. 

ca. 4000 B.C. 

ca. 100 B.C. 

FORMATIVE 
CENTURIES 

ca. AD. 1200 

ca. 1298 

1471-82 

1500-1807 

1697-1745 

NINETEENTH 
CENTURY 

1843-44 

1873-74 

1874 

1878 

1896 

TWENTIETH 
CENTURY 

1900 

1902 

1914-18 

1919 

1925 



Earliest recorded probable human habitation within modern Ghana at 
site on Oti River. 

Oldest date for pottery at Stone Age site near Accra. 

Early Iron Age at Tema. 



Guan begin their migrations down Volta Basin from Gonja toward Gulf 
of Guinea. 

Akan kingdom of Bono (Brong) founded. Other states had arisen or 
were beginning to rise about this time. 

First Europeans arrive. Portuguese build Elmina Castle. 

Era of slave raids and wars and of intense state formation in Gold Coast. 

Rise and consolidation of Asante Empire. 



British government signs Bond of 1844 with Fante chiefs. 
Last Asante invasion of coast. British capture Kumasi. 
Britain establishes Gold Coast Colony. 
Cocoa introduced to Ghana. 

Anglo-Asante war leads to exile of asantehene znd British protectorate 
over Asante. 



First Africans appointed to colony's Legislative Council. 

Northern Territories proclaimed a British protectorate. 

Gold Coast Regiment serves with distinction in East Africa. 

German Togo becomes a mandate under Gold Coast administration. 

Constitution of 1925 calls for six chiefs to be elected to Legislative Coun- 
cil. 



1939-45 



Gold Coast African forces serve in Ethiopia and Burma. 



XV 



Table A. Chronology of Important Events 



Period Description 
1947 United Gold Coast Convention founded. 

1949 Kwame Nkrumah breaks with United Gold Coast Convention and forms 

Convention People's Party. 

1951 New constitution leads to general elections. Convention People's Party 

wins two-thirds majority. 

1954 New constitution grants broad powers to Nkrumah's government 

1956 Plebiscite in British Togoland calls for union with Gold Coast 

Convention People's Party wins 68 percent of seats in legislature and 
passes an independence motion, which British Parliament approves. 

1957 British Colony of the Gold Coast becomes independent Ghana 

on March 6. 

1958 Entrenched protection clauses of constitution repealed; regional assem- 

blies abolished; Preventive Detention Act passed. 

1960 Plebiscite creates a republic on July 1, with Nkrumah as president 

1964 Ghana declared a one-party state. Completion of Akosombo Dam. 

1966 While Nkrumah is in China, army stages widely popular coup. National 

Liberation Council comes to power. 

1969 Progress Party, led by Kofi Abrefa Busia, wins National Assembly elec- 

tions. 

1972 Lieutenant Colonel Ignatius Acheampong leads a military coup in Janu- 

ary that brings National Redemption Council to power. 

1 978 Fellow military officers ease Acheampong from power. 

1979 Junior officers stage Ghana's first violent coup, June 4. Armed Forces 

Revolutionary Council formed under Flight Lieutenant Jerry John 
Rawlings. Hilla Limann elected president in July. 

1981 Rawlings stages second coup, December 31. Provisional National 

Defence Council established with Rawlings as chairman. 

1 983 First phase of Economic Recovery Program introduced with World Bank 

and International Monetary Fund support. 

1985 National Commission for Democracy, established to plan the democrati- 

zation of Ghana's political system, officially inaugurated in January. 

1988-89 Elections for new district assemblies begin in early December and con- 

tinue through February 1989. 

1990 Various organizations call for return to civilian government and multi- 

parry politics, among them Movement for Freedom and Justice, 
founded in August. 



Table A. Chronology of Important Events 



Period Description 



1991 Provisional National Defence Council announces its acceptance, in May, 

of multipartyism in Ghana. June deadline set for creation of Consulta- 
tive Assembly to discuss nation's new constitution. 

1992 National referendum in April approves draft of new democratic constitu- 

tion. Formation and registration of political parties become legal in 
May. Jerry John Rawlings elected president November 3 in national 
presidential election. Parliamentary elections of December 29 boy- 
cotted by major opposition parties, resulting in landslide victory for 
National Democratic Congress. 

1993 Ghana's Fourth Republic inaugurated January 4 with the swearing in of 

Rawlings as president. 

Late 1994- Ghana hosts peace talks for warring factions of Liberian civil war. 

early 1995 



1995 



President Rawlings pays official visit to the United States, March 8-9, first 
such visit by a Ghanaian head of state in more than thirty years. 



Country Profile 




Country 

Formal Name: Republic of Ghana. 
Short Form: Ghana. 
Term for Citizens: Ghanaian (s). 
Capital: Accra. 

Date of Independence: March 6, 1957. 

Note — The Country Profile contains updated information as available. 



xix 



Geography 



Size: 238,533 square kilometers, roughly the size of the states of 
Illinois and Indiana. 

Topography: Generally low physical relief except in the east. 
Five distinct geographical regions: low plains inland from 
Atlantic coast; northern plateau stretching from western 
border to Volta River Basin averaging 450 meters in height; 
mountainous uplands along eastern border, bisected in south 
by Volta River Gorge; Volta River Basin in center; and dissected 
plateau up to 300 meters high in north. 

Climate: Tropical climate governed by interaction of dry 
continental airmass from the northeast and moist southwest 
equatorial system. Annual mean temperature between 26°C 
and 29°C. Annual rainfall varies from more than 2,100 
millimeters in southwest to 1,000 millimeters in north. 
Vegetation heaviest in south, thinning to savanna and dry 
plains in north. 

Society 

Population: Estimated at 17.2 million in mid-1994, up from 
about 6.7 million in 1960; approximately half under age 
fifteen. Growth rate more than 3 percent per year since 1980. 
1990 population density sixty-three persons per square 
kilometer; density highest in southwestern third of country, 
thinnest in center, higher in north. About 33 percent urban in 
1992. 

Ethnolinguistic Groups: Approximately 100 ethnolinguistic 
groups, all further subdivided into numerous cultural and 
linguistic units. Major ethnic groups are the Akan, Ewe, Mole- 
Dagbane, Guan, and Ga-Adangbe. Languages belong either to 
Kwa or to Gur subfamily of Niger-Congo language family. Kwa 
speakers, found to south of Volta River, include the Akan, Ewe, 
and Ga-Adangbe. Gur speakers live north of Volta River and 
include the Grusi, Gurma, and Mole-Dagbane. English is 
official language used in government, large-scale business, 
national media, and school beyond primary level. Akan, Ewe, 
Ga, Nzema, Dagbane, and Hausa (a trade language from 
Nigeria) also used in radio and television broadcasting. 

Religion: According to 1985 estimate, 62 percent Christian, 15 



xx 



percent Muslim, 22 percent indigenous or nonbelievers. 
Christians composed of Protestants (25 percent, Methodists 
and Presbyterians especially numerous), Roman Catholics (15 
percent), Protestant Pentecostals (8 percent), and 
Independent African Churches (about 14 percent). Muslims 
mostly Sunni. Christianity predominates in center and south, 
Islam in north. 

Health: Large number of infectious diseases endemic to 
tropics, including cholera, typhoid, tuberculosis, anthrax, 
pertussis, yellow fever, hepatitis, trachoma, and malaria. Other 
diseases include schistosomiasis, guinea worm, dysentery, 
onchocerciasis, venereal diseases, and poliomyelitis. 
Malnutrition also widespread. Average life expectancy fifty-six 
years in 1993. Severe shortage of hospital beds and doctors. 
Since late 1980s, government has emphasized immunization 
and primary health care programs. Incidence of acquired 
immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS) second highest in West 
Africa and rising. 

Education: Education system consists of primary (six years) , 
junior secondary (three years), and senior secondary (three 
years) after reforms of mid-1980s eliminated former middle 
schools; polytechnic institutions; and four universities. 
Universal education remains an unrealized goal, but most 
children have access to primary and junior secondary schools. 
Local vernacular is language of instruction on primary level, 
English thereafter. All students pay textbook fees. Enrollments 
for 1990-91: primary 1.8 million, junior secondary 609,000, 
senior secondary 200,000. In 1989-90 about 11,500 students 
attended polytechnic schools. Enrollment in universities at 
Legon, Kumasi, and Cape Coast totaled 9,251 in 1989-90; in 
1993 a fourth university opened at Tamale. In early 1990s, the 
government instituted fees for boarding and lodging, 
provoking student demonstrations. Adult literacy rate 
reportedly about 40 percent in 1989. 

Economy 

General Character: At independence, economy based on cocoa 
and gold; country relatively prosperous. After mid-1960s, 
economy stagnated, characterized by weak commodity 
demand, outmoded equipment, overvalued currency, 
smuggling, and foreign debt. Since 1983 Economic Recovery 



xxi 



Program (a structural adjustment program) has resulted in 
new investment and rising exports of cocoa, gold, and timber, 
but also in high foreign debt and little improvement in general 
standard of living. 

Gross Domestic Product (GDP): In 1992 GDP was US$6.1 
billion; per capita income US$380. 

Budget: In 1993 about 0667 billion, including £119 billion 
deficit (roughly US$1.1 billion and US$187 million, 
respectively, based on mid-1993 exchange rate). 

Agriculture, Forestry, and Fishing: In 1991 agriculture most 
important sector of economy, constituting just under half of 
GDP, down from 60 percent in 1983. Production of exports 
and food crops fell steadily after mid-1960s; major recovery 
began in 1980s. Cocoa most important cash crop; Ghana 
world's third largest cocoa producer as of 1992-93 crop year. 
Other cash crops — palm oil, cotton, tobacco, sugarcane, 
rubber, and kenaf (used in fiber bags) — much less important. 
Major food crops: yams, corn, cassava, and other root crops. 
Forests cover southern third of country. Commercial forestry 
major industry; deforestation serious problem. Livestock 
production negligible outside far north. Limited commercial 
fishing industry. 

Industry: In 1960s largest manufacturing industries included 
aluminum, saw mills and timber processing, cocoa processing, 
breweries, cement, oil refining, textiles, and vehicle assembly. 
Factory output fell as low as 21 percent of capacity by 1982 but 
recovered to average of 40 percent in 1989. In early 1990s, 
many textile, pharmaceutical, leather, and electronics factories 
reportedly closed because of economic liberalization and 
foreign competition. 

Mining: Major minerals are gold, bauxite, manganese, and 
diamonds. Mineral production fell precipitously during 1970s, 
recovered during 1980s. Minerals second highest export 
earner in early 1990s. Gold most important mineral, long 
associated with ancient and contemporary Ghana. Production 
in 1992 more than 1 million fine ounces and rising, surpassing 
cocoa as chief export earner. One of world's leading producers 
of manganese, but early 1990s production less than half mid- 
1970s output. Diamonds mostly industrial grade; 1992 
production 694,000 carats and increasing. Large bauxite 



xxii 



reserves little exploited. 

Energy: Commercial quantities of petroleum offshore, but 
output negligible in early 1990s. Hydroelectric generating 
capacity nearly 1.2 megawatts, mostly at Akosombo Dam on 
Volta River; 60 percent consumed by Volta Aluminum 
Company, remainder consumed domestically or sold to Togo 
and Benin. Significant expansion planned. Northern regions 
being connected to national power grid. 

Foreign Trade: Major exports — cocoa, gold, timber, and 
industrial diamonds — mainly to Germany, Britain, United 
States, and Japan. Major imports — capital goods, oil, consumer 
goods, and intermediate goods — mostly from Britain, Nigeria, 
United States, and Germany Ghana's trade balance, negative 
since 1980s, estimated at -US$190 million for 1994. 

External Debt: US$4.6 billion in 1993. 

Currency and Exchange Rate: Cedi(0), divided into 100 
pesewas. In April 1995, US$1.00 = 01,105. 

Fiscal Year: Calendar Year. 

Transportation and Telecommunications 

Roads: Most regions accessible by road network of more than 
32,000 kilometers; 12,000 classified as main roads. About 6,000 
kilometers paved, remainder gravel or earth. Since 1985 major 
repairs under way on all main and some feeder roads. 

Railroads: 953 kilometers of narrow gauge (1.067 meter) track; 
only thirty-two kilometers double-tracked. Serve only southern 
industrial/commercial centers, mainly connecting Accra, 
Sekondi-Takoradi, and Kumasi. Limited renovation under way 
as part of Economic Recovery Program. 

Civil Aviation: Eleven airfields, including Kotoka International 
Airport at Accra and major domestic airports at Sekondi- 
Takoradi, Kumasi, and Tamale. Ghana Airways operates small 
fleet on domestic and international routes. In early 1990s, 
runways, lighting, and freight and terminal buildings upgraded 
at Kotoka. 

Ports and Waterways: Two deep artificial harbors — Tema (2.7- 
million-ton capacity) and Takoradi (projected 1.6-million-ton 
capacity). More than 1,100-kilometer navigable network on 
Lake Volta, with additional ports planned; 168 kilometers of 



xxiii 



Ankobra River, Tano River, and Volta River navigable. Small 
merchant marine of one refrigerated and five cargo ships. 

Telecommunications: Relatively limited telecommunications 
system. About 45,000 telephones in 1993, concentrated in 
Accra. Two domestic radio-relay systems, one east-west serving 
coastal cities, one north-south connecting Accra with Burkina 
Faso. International telecommunications via link with 
International Telecommunications Satellite Corporation 
(Intelsat) Atlantic Ocean Satellite. Four AM and one FM radio 
stations; four television stations; two domestic shortwave 
transmitters broadcast in English and six local languages; one 
international transmitter broadcasts in English, French, and 
Hausa. 

Government and Politics 

Government: A parliamentary democracy at independence in 
1957, followed by alternating military and civilian 
governments. In January 1993, military government gave way 
to Fourth Republic after presidential and parliamentary 
elections in late 1992. The 1992 constitution divides powers 
among a president, parliament, cabinet, Council of State, and 
an independent judiciary. Government elected by universal 
suffrage. 

Administrative Divisions: Ten administrative regions divided 
into 110 districts, each with its own District Assembly. Below 
districts are various types of councils, including fifty-eight town 
or area councils, 108 zonal councils, and 626 area councils. 
16,000 unit committees on lowest level. 

Judicial System: Legal system based on Ghanaian common law, 
customary (traditional) law, and the 1992 constitution. Court 
hierarchy consists of Supreme Court of Ghana (highest court) , 
Court of Appeal, and High Court of Justice. Beneath these 
bodies are district, traditional, and local courts. Extrajudicial 
institutions include public tribunals, vigilante groups, and asafo 
companies. Since independence, courts relatively 
independent; this independence continues under Fourth 
Republic. Lower courts being redefined and reorganized 
under Fourth Republic. 

Politics: Since mid-1992 political parties legal after ten-year 
hiatus. Under Fourth Republic, major parties are National 
Democratic Congress, led by Jerry John Rawlings, which won 



xxiv 



presidential and parliamentary elections in 1992; New Patriotic 
Party, major opposition party; People's National Convention, 
led by former president Hilla Limann; and (new) People's 
Convention Party, successor to Kwame Nkrumah's original 
party of same name. 

Foreign Relations: Since independence, fervently devoted to 
ideals of nonalignment and Pan-Africanism, both closely 
identified with first president, Kwame Nkrumah. Favors 
international and regional political and economic 
cooperation. Active member of United Nations and 
Organization of African Unity. In 1994 President Rawlings 
elected chairman of Economic Community of West African 
States. 

National Security 

Armed Forces: In 1994 armed forces totaled about 6,859 active 
personnel, consisting of army, 5,000; air force, 1,000; and navy, 
850. Missions are to protect against foreign aggression and to 
maintain internal security. Armed forces aided in these 
missions by various paramilitary forces. 

Major Military Units: Army largest and best-equipped service 
and primary unit of defense. Air force and navy both smaller 
and subordinate to army. All three services hindered by 
equipment maintenance problems and low states of combat 
readiness. 

Military Equipment: Army equipment mostly older and poorly 
maintained weapons, largely of British, Brazilian, Swiss, 
Swedish, Israeli, and Finnish manufacture. Air force equipped 
with combat, transport, and training aircraft. Navy possesses 
eight sizable ships, including two corvettes and four fast-attack 
craft. All three services experience budgetary and maintenance 
problems. 

Defense Budget: Defense spending high in 1960s, declined in 
1970s and 1980s. In 1992 defense budget about US$105 
million, less than 2 percent of budgetary expenditures. 

Foreign Military Relations: During colonial and early 
independence periods, military training and equipment came 
from Britain. In 1960s and after, military relations diversified to 
include Soviet Union, China, German Democratic Republic 
(East Germany), and Libya. In 1990s Ghana revived military 



xxv 



ties with Britain, United States, and other Western countries. 
Ghana also providing military units for peacekeeping 
operations in Liberia and Rwanda and observers and police for 
several United Nations missions. 

Internal Security Forces: Consist of more than 16,000 General 
Police, 5,000-member People's Militia, and National Civil 
Defence Force composed of all able-bodied citizens. Since 
independence, stature of police has varied according to role in 
suppression of dissent, extortion, and bribery. In 1990s police 
involved in various United Nations international peacekeeping 
operations. 



xxvi 



f (g) UPPER EASp 

f Bolgatanga y-. 



•■■ ■ ■; .. ■■■ ; /;■ . ■ ;-1Vh 

International boundary 

Region boundary 

® National capital 
® Region capital 




Figure 1. Administrative Divisions of Ghana, 1994 



xxviii 



Introduction 



WHEN GHANA ACHIEVED INDEPENDENCE from colonial 
domination in 1957, the first country in sub-Saharan Africa to 
do so, it enjoyed economic and political advantages unrivaled 
elsewhere in tropical Africa. The economy was solidly based on 
the production and export of cocoa, of which Ghana was the 
world's leading producer; minerals, particularly gold; and tim- 
ber. It had a well-developed transportation network, relatively 
high per capita income, low national debt, and sizable foreign 
currency reserves. Its education system was relatively advanced, 
and its people were heirs to a tradition of parliamentary gov- 
ernment. Ghana's future looked promising, and it seemed des- 
tined to be a leader in Africa. 

Yet during the next twenty-five years, rather than growth and 
prosperity, Ghanaians experienced substantial declines in all of 
the above categories, and the country's image became severely 
tarnished. Beginning in the early 1980s and continuing into 
the mid-1990s, efforts were undertaken to rebuild the govern- 
ment and the economy and to restore the luster of Ghana's 
name. It is this attempt at reconstruction that constitutes the 
major focus of the present volume. 

The region of modern Ghana has been inhabited for several 
thousand years, but little is known of Ghana's early inhabitants 
before the sixteenth century. By then, however, the major pop- 
ulation groups were on the scene and in their present locales. 
More than 100 separate ethnic groups are found in Ghana 
today, a number of which are immigrant groups from neigh- 
boring countries. 

One of the most important is the Akan, who live in the 
coastal savannah and forest zones of southern Ghana. The 
Akan were living in well-defined states by the early sixteenth 
century at the latest. By the end of that century, the states of 
Mamprusi, Dagomba, and Gonja had come into being among 
the Mole-Dagbane peoples of northern Ghana. These peoples 
and states were significantly influenced by Mande-speaking 
peoples from the north and the northeast. In the extreme 
north of present-day Ghana are a number of peoples who did 
not form states in pre-colonial times. These peoples, such as 
the Sisala, Kasena, and Talensi, are organized into clans and 
look to the heads of their clans for leadership. Like the Mole- 



xxix 



Dagbane, they have been heavily influenced by Islam, intro- 
duced into the region centuries ago by trans-Saharan traders or 
by migrants from the north. 

The best-known of the indigenous states of Ghana is without 
doubt Asante, a term that applies to both people and state. 
Beginning in the mid-seventeenth century, this Akan-based 
society began to expand from the area around Kumasi, its capi- 
tal, allying with or subduing neighboring Akan states such as 
Denkyira and Akwapim. Eventually, Asante incorporated non- 
Akan peoples and kingdoms, including Gonja, Dagomba, and 
Mamprusi, into an empire that encompassed much of modern 
Ghana and parts of neighboring Cote d'lvoire. Along a net- 
work of roads radiating from Kumasi flowed communications, 
tribute, and, above all, gold, over which the Asante held a 
monopoly. 

Gold is found in several regions of West Africa, including 
the headwaters of the Niger River and the forest zone of mod- 
ern Ghana. The West African gold trade was well-established in 
antiquity, and it helped tie the peoples of Ghana into a trans- 
Saharan commercial network that stretched from the West Afri- 
can forest zone across the Sahara to ports on the Mediterra- 
nean. Aside from providing material benefits, trade seems to 
have been one of the major factors in state formation in 
Ghana. 

Gold drew European traders to the Gulf of Guinea. The first 
to arrive in the late fifteenth century were the Portuguese, who 
set up an outpost on Ghana's coast. During the next century, 
the lure of gold gave way to the slave trade because of the 
demand for labor in the Americas. Trading in slaves as well as 
gold, the Dutch, the Danes, the English, and the Swedes even- 
tually joined the Portuguese on what had come to be known as 
the "Gold Coast." By the early nineteenth century, the British 
were the most important European power on the Gold Coast. 
Thereafter, the British extended their control inland via trea- 
ties and warfare until by 1902 much of present-day Ghana was a 
British crown colony. Ghana's current borders were realized in 
1956 when the Volta region voted to join Ghana. 

British colonial government, while authoritarian and cen- 
tralized, nonetheless permitted Ghanaians a role in governing 
the colony. This was true not only of central governing bodies 
such as the Legislative Council and later the Executive Council, 
but of local and regional administration as well. The British 
policy of indirect rule meant that chiefs or other local leaders 



xxx 



became agents of the colonial administration. This system of 
rule gave Ghanaians experience with modern, representative 
government to a degree unparalleled elsewhere in sub-Saharan 
Africa. 

During the colonial period, the Gold Coast began to develop 
economically. Roads, railroads, and a harbor at Takoradi were 
constructed. In 1878 a Ghanaian brought cacao pods into the 
country, introducing what eventually became the country's 
major cash crop. Large-scale commercial gold mining began, 
and Western-style education was introduced, culminating in 
the founding of the University College of the Gold Coast in 
1948. The education system trained a class of Ghanaians that 
found employment in the colonial administration. In the twen- 
tieth century, this same class increasingly sought economic, 
political, and social improvements as well as self-government, 
and, eventually, independence for Ghanaians. 

After World War II, the drive for independence began in ear- 
nest under the auspices of the United Gold Coast Convention 
and the Convention People's Party, the latter founded by 
Kwame Nkrumah in 1949. Britain granted independence on 
March 6, 1957, under a governor general as representative of 
the crown and Nkrumah as prime minister. In 1960 a new con- 
stitution created the Republic of Ghana, the same year that 
Nkrumah was elected president. 

Nkrumah saw Ghana as the "Star of Black Africa." He 
believed that Ghana should lead the effort to free- Africa from 
the shackles of Western colonialism and envisioned a union of 
independent African states that would command respect in the 
world. Nkrumah also helped found the Non-Aligned Move- 
ment, a grouping of world states that attempted to pursue poli- 
cies independent of East and West. His ideas about African 
unity proved immensely appealing in the late 1950s and early 
1960s; indeed, the Pan-Africanist dream still resonates across 
Africa in the 1990s. 

Nkrumah's pursuit of Pan-Africanism proved expensive and 
ultimately futile, and it partially accounts for the economic 
problems that Ghana encountered during the early 1960s. 
More important, however, were Nkrumah's domestic policies. 
He believed in centralization, both political and economic. 
Constitutional safeguards against authoritarianism were abol- 
ished, political opposition was stifled, and, shortly after the 
1960 elections, Nkrumah was declared president for life. By the 



xxxi 



mid-1960s, Ghana had become a one-party state under a pow- 
erful president. 

Nkrumah also believed in a rapid transformation of the Gha- 
naian economy along socialist lines. He channeled investment 
into new industrial enterprises and agricultural projects, 
nationalized foreign-owned enterprises, and wherever possible 
"Ghanaianized" the public and private sectors. State-sponsored 
enterprises such as the Akosombo Dam and the Volta Alumi- 
num Company were undertaken, roads were built, and schools 
and health services were expanded. The former Northern Ter- 
ritories, the northernmost third of the country which had been 
neglected by the British, received special attention in an 
attempt to address the imbalance in infrastructure and social 
services between North and South. 

Ghana, however, lacked sufficient resources to finance the 
public-sector projects that Nkrumah envisioned. When foreign 
currency reserves were exhausted, the government resorted to 
deficit financing and foreign borrowing to pay for essential 
imports. Trained manpower to allocate resources and to oper- 
ate old and new state enterprises was equally in short supply, 
and internal financial controls necessary to implement devel- 
opment led almost naturally to corruption. Despite obvious 
gains from investment in roads, schools, health services, and 
import-substituting industries, by the mid-1960s Ghana was a 
nation ensnared in debt, rising inflation, and economic mis- 
management, the result of Nkrumah's ill-conceived develop- 
ment policies. An overvalued currency discouraged exports, 
corruption was increasingly a fact of life, and the political sys- 
tem was intolerant of dissent and authoritarian in practice. 

In 1966 Nkrumah was overthrown and a military govern- 
ment assumed power. But neither military nor civilian govern- 
ments during the next fifteen years were able to deal 
successfully with the host of problems that Nkrumah had 
bequeathed. In particular, under the Supreme Military Council 
(1972-79), Ghana's economy and political institutions deterio- 
rated at an alarming rate. The 1970s were a period of steadily 
falling agricultural production, manufacturing output, and per 
capita income. Declining cocoa production and exports were 
accompanied by a corresponding rise in smuggling of the crop 
to neighboring countries, especially Cote dTvoire, and largely 
accounted for chronic trade deficits. Personal enrichment and 
corruption became the norm of government. 



xxxii 



Beyond these serious problems loomed much larger issues 
that needed to be addressed if Ghana were to resume its posi- 
tion at the forefront of Africa's leading nations. Among these 
were the fear of an overly centralized and authoritarian 
national executive, the burden of accumulated foreign debt, 
and the need to forge a nation from Ghana's diverse ethnic 
and regional interests. In particular, the challenge was to devise 
a system of government that would bridge the enormous gap 
that had developed between the political center and society at 
large. For most Ghanaians, the nation-state by the late 1970s 
had become a largely irrelevant construct that had ceased to 
provide economic benefits or opportunities for meaningful 
political participation. As a consequence, local, ethnic, and 
regional interests had become much more prominent than 
those of Ghana as a whole. 

Such were the challenges that lay before the group of mili- 
tary officers who seized power at the end of 1981. During its 
first year, the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC) 
spoke vaguely about socialism and established people's and 
workers' defence committees and extra-judicial public tribu- 
nals as a way to involve Ghanaians in public administration. In 
1983, however, the council, under its leader, Jerry John Rawl- 
ings, abandoned its socialist leanings and negotiated a struc- 
tural adjustment program with the World Bank and the 
International Monetary Fund as the best and perhaps only 
method of rejuvenating the economy. Called the Economic 
Recovery Program, it was designed to stimulate economic 
growth and exports, to enhance private initiative and invest- 
ment, and to reduce the role of the state in economic affairs. 

On the one hand, Ghana's structural adjustment program 
was and continues to be one of a half dozen models for such 
programs backed by international lending agencies. It suc- 
ceeded in reversing the downward trend in production and 
exports, especially in the cocoa, mining, and timber industries. 
During the 1980s, gross national product grew at annual rates 
of 5 percent or more a year, per capita income slowly began to 
rise, and inflation abated. Since 1990, economic growth has 
slowed, but trends in the economy remain positive. 

On the other hand, Ghana has incurred new debts to 
finance its Economic Recovery Program, unemployment has 
risen, and new fees for basic services such as education and 
health care have added to the burdens of ordinary citizens. 
Indeed, for many Ghanaians, structural adjustment has not yet 



xxxiii 



significantly improved their lives. Additionally, per capita 
income, while continuing to rise, is unevenly distributed 
throughout the population, and private overseas investment 
has largely failed to materialize. In Ghana's case, structural 
adjustment is clearly a long-term process. Despite problems 
and shortcomings, the government of the present Fourth 
Republic, which succeeded the PNDC in 1993, remains com- 
mitted to it. 

Equally significant were steps to devise new political institu- 
tions that would allow a large number of Ghanaians to partici- 
pate in governing the country. The creation of defence 
committees and public tribunals in the early 1980s was a step in 
this direction. In 1988 and early 1989, nonpartisan elections 
were held to fill seats in representative assemblies constituted 
in each of Ghana's ten administrative regions; similar bodies 
were eventually seated in cities, towns, and villages. Thereafter, 
the overriding question was what form the national govern- 
ment would take. After initial reluctance to commit themselves 
to a multiparty political system, Rawlings and the PNDC 
yielded in the face of domestic and international pressures. In 
April 1992, a new constitution that called for an elected parlia- 
ment and chief executive won overwhelming approval in a 
national referendum. Political parties, banned since 1982, were 
the mechanism by which the system was to work. 

Presidential elections were held in November 1992, followed 
in December by elections for the 200-member national parlia- 
ment. After a heated campaign, Jerry Rawlings was elected 
president. His party, the National Democratic Congress 
(NDC), won control of parliament. In January 1993, Rawlings 
and the new parliamentarians were sworn into office, thereby 
launching Ghana's fourth attempt at republican government 
since independence. 

The new political order in Ghana, unfortunately, did not get 
off to a happy start. The four opposition parties that had candi- 
dates running in the presidential race charged that fraud and 
voting irregularities accounted for Rawlings's victory. When 
their demands for a revised voters register were rejected 
because of cost and time factors, they boycotted the parliamen- 
tary elections. This stance by the opposition resulted in what is 
in effect a one-party republic, which imparts a hollowness to 
Ghana's latest effort at democratic government. Although the 
opposition parties have accepted the status quo for the time 
being and have taken on the role of watchdog even though 



xxxiv 



they are not represented in parliament, they have continued to 
press for a new voters list before elections scheduled for 1996 
and remain basically unreconciled to NDC rule. As a result, the 
first two years of the Fourth Republic were marked by a series 
of skirmishes and quarrels between the government and the 
opposition. 

In its campaign against the NDC government, the opposi- 
tion, resorting to the courts, won several cases against the gov- 
ernment in 1993 and early 1994. Since 1993 a small but 
vigorous independent press has developed, which the opposi- 
tion has used to publicize its views. Despite publication of what 
at times have been sensational or even libelous charges against 
members of the NDC, including Rawlings, the government has 
made no move to censor or suppress independent newspapers 
and magazines. Official spokesmen, however, have repeatedly 
denounced what they consider irresponsible reporting in the 
private press. 

In late 1994 and early 1995, controversy over the media con- 
tinued unabated. The most contentious issue involved the 
attempt to establish a private radio station as an alternative to 
the official Ghana Broadcasting Corporation. Known as "Radio 
Eye" and dedicated to providing a wider range of political opin- 
ion and information than the government network, it began 
broadcasting in November 1994. The government promptly 
shut it down and seized its equipment, charging that Radio Eye 
had not been licensed. The opposition parties protested that 
the government's action was an affront to democratic proce- 
dures and turned once more to the courts, challenging the 
government's licensing practices and the constitutionality of its 
actions. 

By early 1995, the case was before the Supreme Court of 
Ghana. Meanwhile, in early February the government 
announced that properly authorized private radio stations 
would begin broadcasting in February. The large number of 
license applications received by the government — more than 
sixty — indicated the interest in private, independent radio 
broadcasting. 

Prospects for abatement in the media battles between the 
government and its critics were nil, given the degree of antipa- 
thy between the two sides and preparations for national elec- 
tions in 1996. Even so, both appeared to accept the basic rules 
of democratic procedure. In a statement marking the second 
anniversary of the Fourth Republic, the New Patriotic Party 



xxxv 



called on Rawlings (and the NDC) to respect the 1992 constitu- 
tion to ensure that this latest exercise in democracy would suc- 
ceed. Most significantly, the statement added, "Let us recognise 
that the eras of violent and revolutionary change of govern- 
ment in Ghana are over." 

Aside from freedom of the press and speech, other basic 
human rights also appeared to enjoy increased respect in mid- 
1995. There were persistent reports of police abuse, especially 
in areas distant from Accra, as well as of unwarranted deten- 
tions, beatings, and similar infringements of rights, but, in gen- 
eral, the number and severity of human rights violations 
continued to decline. The judiciary in particular showed clear 
evidence of preserving its independence, in keeping with Gha- 
naian tradition and the requirements of democratic gover- 
nance. 

Such a state of affairs was encouraging, given the role of the 
armed forces and the police in Ghana's postindependence his- 
tory. Of the ten governments since 1957, six were composed of 
military officers who came to power via coups. The PNDC was 
one such regime, and even though it handed over power to a 
civilian, constitutional government in 1993, the question of the 
role of Ghana's military in the Fourth Republic was still an 
important one. Under the Economic Recovery Program, fund- 
ing of the armed forces was reduced, and equipment and facili- 
ties were allowed to deteriorate. In recognition of this fact and 
of the continuing mission of the armed forces in matters of 
defense and international peacekeeping, Rawlings called for 
renewed attention to the needs of the armed forces in his 
speech marking the second anniversary of the Fourth Republic 
in January 1995. 

On the economic scene, the government was determined to 
continue with structural adjustment. Tight fiscal controls in 
central and local government accounts, an essential element in 
structural adjustment, had been relaxed as the 1992 elections 
approached, leading to an increase in the government deficit, 
inflation, and interest rates. Indications were that this situation 
had not been brought under control in mid-1995. 

Ghana faced other major problems with its Economic Recov- 
ery Program in the mid-1990s as well. These included the pro- 
gressive fall in the value of the cedi, the national currency; a 
high rate of inflation (more than 30 percent in mid-1995); the 
lack of private-sector investment, especially in manufacturing; 
and rising levels of unemployment as a result of international 



xxxvi 



competition, domestic factory closings, and downsizing of par- 
astatals and the government bureaucracy. Added to these prob- 
lems were the difficulty of reconciling the rigors of free-market 
economic reforms with popular demands for improved public 
services and living standards, and a population growing by well 
over 3 percent a year. 

Preliminary data for the whole of 1994 showed that the 
country had achieved a budget surplus, with another antici- 
pated for 1995, and that gross domestic product adjusted for 
inflation amounted to 3.8 percent, short of the target of 5 per- 
cent but still commendable. Ghana's trade deficit, however, 
amounted to US$200 million, with a similar figure projected 
for 1995. Total international debt for 1993, the most recent 
year for which revised figures were available, stood at US$4.6 
billion; its rate of increase, however, showed signs of slowing. In 
January 1995, the government granted a 52 percent increase in 
the minimum wage under pressure from the Trade Union Con- 
gress. 

On the whole, Ghana's economy seemed to be headed in the 
right direction in the mid-1990s, even if sustained economic 
recovery was not yet a reality more than a decade after intro- 
duction of the Economic Recovery Program and even if the 
country continued to rely on cocoa, gold, and timber for most 
of its foreign currency earnings. Nonetheless, in spite of real 
problems, Ghana was still the model for structural adjustment 
in Africa in the eyes of Western lending institutions. 

The fragility of the economic and political transition under- 
way in Ghana was evident from events in the spring of 1995. On 
March 1 , the government introduced a new value-added tax to 
replace the national sales tax. Set at 17.5 percent of the price of 
many commodities and services, the new tax immediately 
resulted in rising prices and contributed to an already high rate 
of inflation. It thereby added to the deprivation many Ghana- 
ians had been experiencing for more than a decade under the 
Economic Recovery Program. For many, it was simply too 
much. Discontent among civil servants, teachers, and others 
led to street demonstrations and finally, on May 1 1 , to the larg- 
est protest demonstration in Accra against government policies 
since Rawlings and the PNDC came to power. Five people were 
killed and seventeen injured in clashes between supporters and 
opponents of the government. Demonstrators not only criti- 
cized what they considered harsh economic policies, but some 
also called openly for Rawlings to step down. 



xxxvii 



The protests, organized by opposition parties, provided 
Rawlings's opponents with a rallying cry. For the first time since 
1993, the Rawlings government appeared politically vulnera- 
ble. In the face of continued protests and increasing doubts 
about the viability of the value-added tax, the government in 
early June announced plans to replace it with a new national 
sales tax. In the meantime, one of the NDC's partners in the 
Progressive Alliance, the National Convention Party, withdrew 
from the alliance in late May. The party's leaders claimed that it 
had not been allowed to participate in affairs of government as 
had been promised when the alliance was formed to contest 
the 1992 elections. The National Convention Party, therefore, 
would no longer be bound by the agreement, and it would feel 
free to associate with the opposition if it chose to do so. 

In early 1995, Rawlings, as chairman of the Economic Com- 
munity of West African States (ECOWAS), continued his efforts 
to find a solution to the civil war in Liberia. At a December 
meeting in Accra, the major combatants agreed to form a new 
governing council and to implement a cease-fire. As of April, 
however, the combatants had not been able to agree fully on 
the new council's membership despite another meeting in 
Accra in January, and even the cease-fire threatened to come 
unraveled as renewed fighting broke out in Liberia. So disap- 
pointed were Rawlings and other West African leaders that they 
threatened to withdraw their peacekeeping troops if the Liberi- 
ans continued to obstruct the ECOWAS peace process. 

In support of another peacekeeping mission, on March 1, 
1995, Ghana dispatched a contingent of 224 officers and men 
as part of its long-term commitment to the United Nations 
peacekeeping forces in Lebanon. Other Ghanaians continued 
to serve as military observers, police, or soldiers in interna- 
tional peacekeeping missions in Western Sahara, the former 
Yugoslavia, Mozambique, and Rwanda. The warming in rela- 
tions with neighboring Togo also continued. After the arrival 
of a new Ghanaian ambassador in Lome in mid-November, 
Togolese authorities reopened their western border in Decem- 
ber and were expected to name an ambassador to Accra during 
1995. 

As the home of Pan-Africanism, Ghana hosted the second 
Pan-African Historical and Theatre Festival (Panafest) from 
December 9 to 18, 1994. As with the first Panafest in Accra in 
1992, the 1994 festival was designed to foster unity among Afri- 
cans on the continent and abroad. Unfortunately, attendance 



xxxviii 



at Panafest 94 was lower than expected, one reason the festival 
was a disappointment to its sponsors. 

Finally, in early March 1995, Rawlings paid an official visit to 
Washington, where he met with President Bill Clinton. The two 
presidents discussed a variety of topics, including regional sta- 
bility in West Africa and trade and investment in Ghana. Clin- 
ton noted Ghana's prominence in international peacekeeping 
missions, especially in Liberia, and pledged continued United 
States support for Ghanaian efforts at regional conflict resolu- 
tion. Rawlings's visit was the first to the United States by a Gha- 
naian head of state in at least thirty years. 

By mid-1995, Ghana had emerged at the forefront of change 
in sub-Saharan Africa. Its structural adjustment program was a 
model for other developing nations on the continent, and its 
pursuit of popular, representative government and democratic 
institutions made it a pacesetter in the political realm. 
Endowed with both human and natural resources and with a 
political leadership seemingly determined to reverse decades 
of economic and political decline, Ghana had the potential to 
become one of Africa's leading nations once again. Whether 
Ghana would resume its status as the "Star of Black Africa" envi- 
sioned by Kwame Nkrumah, however, remained to be seen. 



August 1, 1995 LaVerle Berry 



xxxix 



Chapter 1. Historical Setting 




A pectoral of cast gold (Akan) 



ACCORDING TO TRADITION, most present-day Ghanaians 
are descended not from the area's earliest inhabitants but from 
various migrant groups, the first of which probably came down 
the Volta River Basin in the early thirteenth century. By the six- 
teenth century, most ethnic groups constituting the population 
of Ghana (formerly the British colony of the Gold Coast) had 
settled in their present locations. Prior to British control in the 
nineteenth century, political developments in the area largely 
revolved around the formation, expansion, and contraction of 
a number of states — a situation that often entailed much popu- 
lation movement. Some people, however, lived in so-called seg- 
mentary societies and did not form states, particularly in 
northern Ghana. 

Early states in Ghana made every effort to participate in or, if 
possible, to control, trade with Europeans, who first arrived on 
the coast in the late fifteenth century. These efforts in turn 
influenced state formation and development. Much more 
important to the evolution of these states, however, were their 
responses to pre-European patterns of trade. This was particu- 
larly true of commercial relations between the Akan states of 
southern Ghana and trading centers in the western Sudan. 
Competition among the traditional societies ultimately facili- 
tated British efforts to gain control of what Europeans called 
the "Gold Coast." Traditional authorities, who with their elders 
had hitherto exercised autonomous control over their territo- 
ries, became agents of the British colonial government under 
the policy of indirect rule. 

As was the case in many sub-Saharan African countries, the 
rise of a national consciousness in Ghana developed largely in 
the twentieth century in response to colonial policies. The call 
to freedom came from a few elites, but it was only after World 
War II that the concept of independence captured the imagi- 
nation of large numbers of people and gained popular sup- 
port. Differences existed between the two leading political 
parties, however, on such issues as the timetable for indepen- 
dence and the powers to be vested in the modern state. 

Ghana's first independent administration was inaugurated 
on March 6, 1957, with Kwame Nkrumah as prime minister. On 
July 1, 1960, Ghana was declared a republic, with Kwame Nkru- 
mah as its president. Earlier, parliament had passed the Preven- 



3 



Ghana: A Country Study 

tive Detention Act of 1958, which granted authority to the head 
of state to detain without trial those who were considered a 
threat to the nation. By means of such measures, Nkrumah and 
his party intimidated leading members of the opposition. Some 
opponents were co-opted; others were either exiled or jailed. 
As leader of Ghana at the time of the Cold War, Nkrumah 
forged alliances that increasingly placed him in the camp of 
the Eastern Bloc. Western governments understood Nkru- 
mah's agenda to be socialist and worried about his influence 
on other African leaders. Some observers believed that Nkru- 
mah's obsession with what he called the "total liberation of 
Africa" compelled him to create an authoritarian political sys- 
tem in Ghana. Critics of the regime accused Nkrumah of intro- 
ducing patterns of oppression into Ghanaian politics and of 
tolerating widespread corruption among party leaders. The 
regime paid too much attention to urban problems at the 
expense of the more productive rural sector, they felt, and it 
embraced unrealistic economic and foreign assistance policies 
that led the nation to accrue huge foreign debts. The Nkru- 
mah administration was overthrown by the military in February 
1966. Many analysts maintain that the political instability and 
economic problems faced by the country since the mid-1960s 
are by-products of the Nkrumah era. 

By 1981 Ghana had undergone seven major changes of gov- 
ernment since the fall of Nkrumah. Each change was followed 
by alienation of the majority of the population and by military 
intervention, touted to end the rule that was responsible for 
the country's problems. Each time, the new government, civil 
or military, failed to stabilize the political and economic condi- 
tions of the country. 

As its fourth decade of independence began in 1987, Ghana 
was under the administration of the Provisional National 
Defence Council, a military government led by Flight Lieuten- 
ant Jerry John Rawlings that had come to power in December 
1981. Like the Nkrumah administration three decades earlier, 
the Provisional National Defence Council and Rawlings were 
criticized for their populism and desire for radical change. 
Despite the difficult early years of the Rawlings regime, 
Ghana's economy had begun to show signs of recovery by the 
late 1980s, and preparations were underway to return the 
country to some form of democratic government. 



4 



Historical Setting 



The Precolonial Period 

By the end of the sixteenth century, most ethnic groups con- 
stituting the modern Ghanaian population had settled in their 
present locations. Archaeological remains found in the coastal 
zone indicate that the area has been inhabited since the early 
Bronze Age (ca. 4000 B.C.), but these societies, based on fish- 
ing in the extensive lagoons and rivers, left few traces. Archaeo- 
logical work also suggests that central Ghana north of the 
forest zone was inhabited as early as 3,000 to 4,000 years ago. 
Oral history and other sources suggest that the ancestors of 
some of Ghana's residents entered this area at least as early as 
the tenth century A.D. and that migration from the north and 
east continued thereafter. 

These migrations resulted in part from the formation and 
disintegration of a series of large states in the western Sudan 
(the region north of modern Ghana drained by the Niger 
River). Prominent among these Sudanic states was the Soninke 
kingdom of Ghana. Strictly speaking, ghana was the title of the 
king, but the Arabs, who left records of the kingdom, applied 
the term to the king, the capital, and the state. The ninth-cen- 
tury Arab writer, Al Yaqubi, described ancient Ghana as one of 
the three most organized states in the region (the others being 
Gao and Kanem in the central Sudan). Its rulers were 
renowned for their wealth in gold, the opulence of their 
courts, and their warrior-hunting skills. They were also masters 
of the trade in gold, which drew North African merchants to 
the western Sudan. The military achievements of these and 
later western Sudanic rulers and their control over the region's 
gold mines constituted the nexus of their historical relations 
with merchants and rulers of North Africa and the Mediterra- 
nean. 

Ghana succumbed to attacks by its neighbors in the eleventh 
century, but its name and reputation endured. In 1957 when 
the leaders of the former British colony of the Gold Coast 
sought an appropriate name for their newly independent 
state — the first black African nation to gain its independence 
from colonial rule — they named their new country after 
ancient Ghana. The choice was more than merely symbolic 
because modern Ghana, like its namesake, was equally famed 
for its wealth and trade in gold. 

Although none of the states of the western Sudan controlled 
territories in the area that is modern Ghana, several small king- 
doms that later developed in the north of the country were 



5 



Ghana: A Country Study 

ruled by nobles believed to have immigrated from that region. 
The trans-Saharan trade that contributed to the expansion of 
kingdoms in the western Sudan also led to the development of 
contacts with regions in northern modern Ghana and in the 
forest to the south. By the thirteenth century, for example, the 
town of Jenne in the empire of Mali had established commer- 
cial connections with the ethnic groups in the 
savanna-woodland areas of the northern two-thirds of the Volta 
Basin in modern Ghana. Jenne was also the headquarters of 
the Dyula, Muslim traders who dealt with the ancestors of the 
Akan-speaking peoples who occupy most of the southern half 
of the country. 

The growth of trade stimulated the development of early 
Akan states located on the trade route to the goldfields in the 
forest zone of the south. The forest itself was thinly populated, 
but Akan-speaking peoples began to move into it toward the 
end of the fifteenth century with the arrival of crops from 
Southeast Asia and the New World that could be adapted to 
forest conditions. These new crops included sorghum, 
bananas, and cassava. By the beginning of the sixteenth cen- 
tury, European sources noted the existence of the gold-rich 
states of Akan and Twifu in the Ofin River Valley. 

Also in the same period, some of the Mande, who had stimu- 
lated the development of states in what is now northern Nige- 
ria (the Hausa states and those of the Lake Chad area), moved 
southwestward and imposed themselves on many of the indige- 
nous peoples of the northern half of modern Ghana and of 
Burkina Faso (Burkina — formerly Upper Volta), founding the 
states of Dagomba and Mamprusi. The Mande also influenced 
the rise of the Gonja state. 

It seems clear from oral traditions as well as from archaeo- 
logical evidence that the Mole-Dagbane states of Mamprusi, 
Dagomba, and Gonja, as well as the Mossi states of Yatenga and 
Wagadugu, were among the earliest kingdoms to emerge in 
modern Ghana, being well established by the close of the six- 
teenth century. The Mossi and Gonja rulers came to speak the 
languages of the peoples they dominated. In general, however, 
members of the ruling class retained their traditions, and even 
today some of them can recite accounts of their northern ori- 
gins. 

Although most rulers were not Muslims, they either brought 
with them or welcomed Muslims as scribes and medicine men, 
and Muslims also played a significant role in the trade that 



6 



Historical Setting 



linked southern with northern Ghana. As a result of their pres- 
ence, Islam substantially influenced the north. Muslim influ- 
ence, spread by the activities of merchants and clerics, has been 
recorded even among the Asante (also seen as Ashanti — see 
Glossary) to the south. Although most Ghanaians retained 
their traditional beliefs, the Muslims brought with them certain 
skills, including writing, and introduced certain beliefs and 
practices that became part of the culture of the peoples among 
whom they settled (see Christianity and Islam in Ghana, ch. 2). 

In the broad belt of rugged country between the northern 
boundaries of the Muslim-influenced states of Gonja, Mam- 
prusi, and Dagomba and the southernmost outposts of the 
Mossi kingdoms lived a number of peoples who were not incor- 
porated into these entities. Among these peoples were the 
Sisala, Kasena, Kusase, and Talensi, agriculturalists closely 
related to the Mossi. Rather than establishing centralized states 
themselves, they lived in so-called segmented societies, bound 
together by kinship ties and ruled by the heads of their clans. 
Trade between the Akan states to the south and the Mossi king- 
doms to the north flowed through their homelands, subjecting 
them to Islamic influence and to the depredations of these 
more powerful neighbors. 

Of the components that would later make up Ghana, the 
state of Asante was to have the most cohesive history and would 
exercise the greatest influence. The Asante are members of the 
Twi-speaking branch of the Akan people. The groups that 
came to constitute the core of the Asante confederacy moved 
north to settle in the vicinity of Lake Bosumtwi. Before the 
mid-seventeenth century, the Asante began an expansion 
under a series of militant leaders that led to the domination of 
surrounding peoples and to the formation of the most power- 
ful of the states of the central forest zone. 

Under Chief Oti Akenten (r. ca. 1630-60), a series of suc- 
cessful military operations against neighboring Akan states 
brought a larger surrounding territory into alliance with 
Asante. At the end of the seventeenth century, Osei Tutu (d. 
1712 or 1717) became asantehene (king of Asante). Under Osei 
Tutu's rule, the confederacy of Asante states was transformed 
into an empire with its capital at Kumasi. Political and military 
consolidation ensued, resulting in firmly established central- 
ized authority. Osei Tutu was strongly influenced by the high 
priest, Anokye, who, tradition asserts, caused a stool of gold to 
descend from the sky to seal the union of Asante states. Stools 



7 



Ghana: A Country Study 

already functioned as traditional symbols of chieftainship, but 
the Golden Stool of Asante represented the united spirit of all 
the allied states and established a dual allegiance that superim- 
posed the confederacy over the individual component states. 
The Golden Stool remains a respected national symbol of the 
traditional past and figures extensively in Asante ritual. 

Osei Tutu permitted newly conquered territories that joined 
the confederation to retain their own customs and chiefs, who 
were given seats on the Asante state council. Osei Tutu's ges- 
ture made the process relatively easy and nondisruptive 
because most of the earlier conquests had subjugated other 
Akan peoples. Within the Asante portions of the confederacy, 
each minor state continued to exercise internal self-rule, and 
its chief jealously guarded the state's prerogatives against 
encroachment by the central authority. A strong unity devel- 
oped, however, as the various communities subordinated their 
individual interests to central authority in matters of national 
concern. 

By the mid-eighteenth century, Asante was a highly orga- 
nized state. The wars of expansion that brought the northern 
states of Mamprusi, Dagomba, and Gonja under Asante influ- 
ence were won during the reign of Asantehene Opoku Ware I 
(d. 1750), successor to Osei Tutu. By the 1820s, successive rul- 
ers had extended Asante boundaries southward. Although the 
northern expansions linked Asante with trade networks across 
the desert and in Hausaland to the east, movements into the 
south brought the Asante into contact, sometimes antagonistic, 
with the coastal Fante, Ga-Adangbe, and Ewe peoples, as well as 
with the various European merchants whose fortresses dotted 
the Gold Coast (see fig. 2). 

Arrival of the Europeans 

Early European Contact and the Slave Trade 

When the first Europeans arrived in the late fifteenth cen- 
tury, many inhabitants of the Gold Coast area were striving to 
consolidate their newly acquired territories and to settle into a 
secure and permanent environment. Several African immi- 
grant groups had yet to establish firm ascendancy over earlier 
occupants of their territories, and considerable displacement 
and secondary migrations were in progress. Ivor Wilks, a lead- 
ing historian of Ghana, has observed that Akan purchases of 
slaves from Portuguese traders operating from the Congo 



8 



Historical Setting 



region augmented the labor needed for the state formation 
that was characteristic of this period. Unlike the Akan groups 
of the interior, the major coastal groups, such as the Fante, 
Ewe, and Ga, were for the most part settled in their homelands. 

The Portuguese were the first to arrive. By 1471, under the 
patronage of Prince Henry the Navigator, they had reached the 
area that was to become known as the Gold Coast. Europeans 
knew the area as the source of gold that reached Muslim North 
Africa by way of trade routes across the Sahara. The initial Por- 
tuguese interest in trading for gold, ivory, and pepper 
increased so much that in 1482 the Portuguese built their first 
permanent trading post on the western coast of present-day 
Ghana. This fortress, Elmina Castle, constructed to protect 
Portuguese trade from European competitors and hostile Afri- 
cans, still stands. 

With the opening of European plantations in the New World 
during the 1500s, which suddenly expanded the demand for 
slaves in the Americas, slaves soon overshadowed gold as the 
principal export of the area. Indeed, the west coast of Africa 
became the principal source of slaves for the New World. The 
seemingly insatiable market and the substantial profits to be 
gained from the slave trade attracted adventurers from all over 
Europe. Much of the conflict that arose among European 
groups on the coast and among competing African kingdoms 
was the result of rivalry for control of this trade. 

The Portuguese position on the Gold Coast remained secure 
for almost a century. During that time, Lisbon leased the right 
to establish trading posts to individuals or companies that 
sought to align themselves with the local chiefs and to 
exchange trade goods both for rights to conduct commerce 
and for slaves provided by the chiefs. During the seventeenth 
and eighteenth centuries, adventurers — first Dutch, and later 
English, Danish, and Swedish — were granted licenses by their 
governments to trade overseas. On the Gold Coast, these Euro- 
pean competitors built fortified trading stations and chal- 
lenged the Portuguese. Sometimes they were also drawn into 
conflicts with local inhabitants as Europeans developed com- 
mercial alliances with local chiefs. 

The principal early struggle was between the Dutch and the 
Portuguese. With the loss of Elmina in 1642 to the Dutch, the 
Portuguese left the Gold Coast permanently. The next 150 
years saw kaleidoscopic change and uncertainty, marked by 
local conflicts and diplomatic maneuvers, during which various 



9 



Ghana: A Country Study 



MOSSI STATES 



To Hausaland 



To Hausaland 




MA2M^Accra M 

Chrlstiansborg U 



Cape Coast 



Qutfof guinea 



M Axim 



Boundary representation 
not necessarily authoritative 



Present-day international 
boundary 



1 Asante heartland 

- Maximum extent of 

Asante expansion 
Main line of Asante 
expansion 

- Main road of Asante 

empire 

25 50 75 Kilometers 



• Populated place 
EWE People 
AHAFO State 

U European fortress 
1745 Date of Asante 

expansion to that point 



25 



50 



Source: Based on information from Daryll Forde and P. M. Kaberry, eds., West African 
Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century, London, 1967, 208; and Ivor G. Wilks, Asante 
in the Nineteenth Century, London, 1975, 19. 

Figure 2. Asante Expansion and Major European Fortresses in the 
Eighteenth Century 

European powers struggled to establish or to maintain a posi- 
tion of dominance in the profitable trade of the Gold Coast lit- 
toral. Forts were built, abandoned, attacked, captured, sold, 



10 



Historical Setting 



and exchanged, and many sites were selected at one time or 
another for fortified positions by contending European 
nations. 

Both the Dutch and the British formed companies to 
advance their African ventures and to protect their coastal 
establishments. The Dutch West India Company operated 
throughout most of the eighteenth century. The British Afri- 
can Company of Merchants, founded in 1750, was the succes- 
sor to several earlier organizations of this type. These 
enterprises built and manned new installations as the compa- 
nies pursued their trading activities and defended their respec- 
tive jurisdictions with varying degrees of government backing. 
There were short-lived ventures by the Swedes and the Prus- 
sians. The Danes remained until 1850, when they withdrew 
from the Gold Coast. The British gained possession of all 
Dutch coastal forts by the last quarter of the nineteenth cen- 
tury, thus making them the dominant European power on the 
Gold Coast. 

During the heyday of early European competition, slavery 
was an accepted social institution, and the slave trade overshad- 
owed all other commercial activities on the West African coast. 
To be sure, slavery and slave trading were already firmly 
entrenched in many African societies before their contact with 
Europe. In most situations, men as well as women captured in 
local warfare became slaves. In general, however, slaves in Afri- 
can communities were often treated as junior members of the 
society with specific rights, and many were ultimately absorbed 
into their masters' families as full members. Given traditional 
methods of agricultural production in Africa, slavery there was 
quite different from that which existed in the commercial plan- 
tation environments of the New World. 

Another aspect of the impact of the trans-Atlantic slave trade 
on Africa concerns the role of African chiefs, Muslim traders, 
and merchant princes in the trade. Although there is no doubt 
that local rulers in West Africa engaged in slaving and received 
certain advantages from it, some scholars have challenged the 
premise that traditional chiefs in the vicinity of the Gold Coast 
engaged in wars of expansion for the sole purpose of acquiring 
slaves for the export market. In the case of Asante, for exam- 
ple, rulers of that kingdom are known to have supplied slaves 
to both Muslim traders in the north and to Europeans on the 
coast. Even so, the Asante waged war for purposes other than 
simply to secure slaves. They also fought to pacify territories 



11 



Ghana: A Country Study 

that in theory were under Asante control, to exact tribute pay- 
ments from subordinate kingdoms, and to secure access to 
trade routes — particularly those that connected the interior 
with the coast. 

It is important to mention, however, that the supply of slaves 
to the Gold Coast was entirely in African hands. Although pow- 
erful traditional chiefs, such as the rulers of Asante, Fante, and 
Ahanta, were known to have engaged in the slave trade, indi- 
vidual African merchants such as John Kabes, John Konny, 
Thomas Ewusi, and a broker known only as Noi commanded 
large bands of armed men, many of them slaves, and engaged 
in various forms of commercial activities with the Europeans 
on the coast. 

The volume of the slave trade in West Africa grew rapidly 
from its inception around 1500 to its peak in the eighteenth 
century. Philip Curtin, a leading authority on the African slave 
trade, estimates that roughly 6.3 million slaves were shipped 
from West Africa to North America and South America, about 
4.5 million of that number between 1701 and 1810. Perhaps 
5,000 a year were shipped from the Gold Coast alone. The 
demographic impact of the slave trade on West Africa was prob- 
ably substantially greater than the number actually enslaved 
because a significant number of Africans perished during slav- 
ing raids or while in captivity awaiting transshipment. All 
nations with an interest in West Africa participated in the slave 
trade. Relations between the Europeans and the local popula- 
tions were often strained, and distrust led to frequent clashes. 
Disease caused high losses among the Europeans engaged in 
the slave trade, but the profits realized from the trade contin- 
ued to attract them. 

The growth of anti-slavery sentiment among Europeans 
made slow progress against vested African and European inter- 
ests that were reaping profits from the traffic. Although individ- 
ual clergymen condemned the slave trade as early as the 
seventeenth century, major Christian denominations did little 
to further early efforts at abolition. The Quakers, however, 
publicly declared themselves against slavery as early as 1727. 
Later in the century, the Danes stopped trading in slaves; Swe- 
den and the Netherlands soon followed. 

The importation of slaves into the United States was out- 
lawed in 1807. In the same year, Britain used its naval power 
and its diplomatic muscle to outlaw trade in slaves by its citizens 
and to begin a campaign to stop the international trade in 



12 



Historical Setting 



slaves. These efforts, however, were not successful until the 
1860s because of the continued demand for plantation labor in 
the New World. 

Because it took decades to end the trade in slaves, some his- 
torians doubt that the humanitarian impulse inspired the abo- 
litionist movement. According to historian Walter Rodney, for 
example, Europe abolished the trans-Atlantic slave trade only 
because its profitability was undermined by the Industrial Revo- 
lution. Rodney argues that mass unemployment caused by the 
new industrial machinery, the need for new raw materials, and 
European competition for markets for finished goods are the 
real factors that brought an end to the trade in human cargo 
and the beginning of competition for colonial territories in 
Africa. Other scholars, however, disagree with Rodney, arguing 
that humanitarian concerns as well as social and economic fac- 
tors were instrumental in ending the African slave trade. 

Britain and the Gold Coast: The Early Years 

By the early nineteenth century, the British, through con- 
quest or purchase, had become masters of most of the forts 
along the coast. Two major factors laid the foundations of Brit- 
ish rule and the eventual establishment of a colony on the Gold 
Coast: British reaction to the Asante wars and the resulting 
instability and disruption of trade, and Britain's increasing pre- 
occupation with the suppression and elimination of the slave 
trade. 

During most of the nineteenth century, Asante, the most 
powerful state of the Akan interior, sought to expand its rule 
and to promote and protect its trade. The first Asante invasion 
of the coastal regions took place in 1807; the Asante moved 
south again in 1811 and in 1814. These invasions, though not 
decisive, disrupted trade in such products as gold, timber, and 
palm oil, and threatened the security of the European forts. 
Local British, Dutch, and Danish authorities were all forced to 
come to terms with Asante, and in 1817 the African Company 
of Merchants signed a treaty of friendship that recognized 
Asante claims to sovereignty over large areas of the coast and its 
peoples. 

The coastal people, primarily some of the Fante and the 
inhabitants of the new town of Accra, who were chiefly Ga, 
came to rely on British protection against Asante incursions, 
but the ability of the merchant companies to provide this secu- 
rity was limited. The British Crown dissolved the company in 



13 



Ghana: A Country Study 

1821, giving authority over British forts on the Gold Coast to 
Governor Charles MacCarthy, governor of Sierra Leone. The 
British forts and Sierra Leone remained under common 
administration for the first half of the century. MacCarthy's 
mandate was to impose peace and to end the slave trade. He 
sought to do this by encouraging the coastal peoples to oppose 
Kumasi rule and by closing the great roads to the coast. Inci- 
dents and sporadic warfare continued, however. MacCarthy was 
killed, and most of his force was wiped out in a battle with 
Asante forces in 1824. An Asante invasion of the coast in 1826 
was defeated, nonetheless, by British and local forces, includ- 
ing the Fante and the people of Accra. 

When the British government allowed control of the Gold 
Coast settlements to revert to the British African Company of 
Merchants in the late 1820s, relations with Asante were still 
problematic. From the Asante point of view, the British had 
failed to control the activities of their local coastal allies. Had 
this been done, Asante might not have found it necessary to 
attempt to impose peace on the coastal peoples. MacCarthy's 
encouragement of coastal opposition to Asante and the subse- 
quent 1824 British military attack further indicated to Asante 
authorities that the Europeans, especially the British, did not 
respect Asante. 

In 1830 a London committee of merchants chose Captain 
George Maclean to become president of a local council of mer- 
chants. Although his formal jurisdiction was limited, Maclean's 
achievements were substantial; for example, a peace treaty was 
arranged with Asante in 1831. Maclean also supervised the 
coastal people by holding regular court in Cape Coast, where 
he punished those found guilty of disturbing the peace. 
Between 1830 and 1843, while Maclean was in charge of affairs 
on the Gold Coast, no confrontations occurred with Asante, 
and the volume of trade reportedly increased threefold. 
Maclean's exercise of limited judicial power on the coast was so 
effective that a parliamentary committee recommended that 
the British government permanently administer its settlements 
and negotiate treaties with the coastal chiefs that would define 
Britain's relations with them. The government did so in 1843, 
the same year crown government was reinstated. Commander 
H. Worsley Hill was appointed first governor of the Gold Coast. 
Under Maclean's administration, several coastal tribes had sub- 
mitted voluntarily to British protection. Hill proceeded to 
define the conditions and responsibilities of his jurisdiction 



14 



Historical Setting 



over the protected areas. He negotiated a special treaty with a 
number of Fante and other local chiefs that became known as 
the Bond of 1844. This document obliged local leaders to sub- 
mit serious crimes, such as murder and robbery, to British juris- 
diction and laid the legal foundation for subsequent British 
colonization of the coastal area. 

Additional coastal states as well as other states farther inland 
eventually signed the Bond, and British influence was 
accepted, strengthened, and expanded. Under the terms of the 
1844 arrangement, the British gave the impression that they 
would protect the coastal areas; thus, an informal protectorate 
came into being. As responsibilities for defending local allies 
and managing the affairs of the coastal protectorate increased, 
the administration of the Gold Coast was separated from that 
of Sierra Leone in 1850. 

At about the same time, growing acceptance of the advan- 
tages offered by the British presence led to the initiation of 
another important step. In April 1852, local chiefs and elders 
met at Cape Coast to consult with the governor on means of 
raising revenue. With the governor's approval, the council of 
chiefs constituted itself as a legislative assembly. In approving 
its resolutions, the governor indicated that the assembly of 
chiefs should become a permanent fixture of the protectorate's 
constitutional machinery, but the assembly was given no spe- 
cific constitutional authority to pass laws or to levy taxes with- 
out the consent of the people. 

In 1872 British influence over the Gold Coast increased fur- 
ther when Britain purchased Elmina Castle, the last of the 
Dutch forts along the coast. The Asante, who for years had con- 
sidered the Dutch at Elmina as their allies, thereby lost their 
last trade outlet to the sea. To prevent this loss and to ensure 
that revenue received from that post continued, the Asante 
staged their last invasion of the coast in 1873. After early suc- 
cesses, they finally came up against well-trained British forces 
who compelled them to retreat beyond the Pra River. Later 
attempts to negotiate a settlement of the conflict with the Brit- 
ish were rejected by the commander of their forces, Major 
General Sir Garnet Wolseley. To settle the Asante problem per- 
manently, the British invaded Asante with a sizable military 
force. The attack, which was launched in January 1874 by 2,500 
British soldiers and large numbers of African auxiliaries, 
resulted in the occupation and burning of Kumasi, the Asante 
capital. 



15 



Ghana: A Country Study 

The subsequent peace treaty required the Asante to 
renounce any claim to many southern territories. The Asante 
also had to keep the road to Kumasi open to trade. From this 
point on, Asante power steadily declined. The confederation 
slowly disintegrated as subject territories broke away and as 
protected regions defected to British rule. The warrior spirit of 
the nation was not entirely subdued, however, and enforce- 
ment of the treaty led to recurring difficulties and outbreaks of 
fighting. In 1896 the British dispatched another expedition 
that again occupied Kumasi and that forced Asante to become 
a protectorate of the British Crown. The position of asantehene 
was abolished, and the incumbent was exiled. 

The core of the Asante federation accepted these terms 
grudgingly. In 1900 the Asante rebelled again but were 
defeated the next year, and in 1902 the British proclaimed 
Asante a colony under the jurisdiction of the governor of the 
Gold Coast. The annexation was made with misgivings and 
recriminations on both sides. With Asante subdued and 
annexed, British colonization of the region became a reality. 

The Colonial Era: British Rule of the Gold Coast 

Military confrontations between Asante and the Fante con- 
tributed to the growth of British influence on the Gold Coast. 
It was concern about Asante activities on the coast that had 
compelled the Fante states to sign the Bond of 1844. In theory, 
the bond allowed the British quite limited judicial powers— the 
trying of murder and robbery cases only. Also, the British could 
not acquire further judicial rights without the consent of the 
kings, chiefs, and people of the protectorate. In practice, how- 
ever, British efforts to usurp more and more judicial authority 
were so successful that in the 1850s they considered establish- 
ing European courts in place of traditional African ones. 

As a result of the exercise of ever-expanding judicial powers 
on the coast and also to ensure that the coastal peoples 
remained firmly under control, the British, following their 
defeat of Asante in 1874, proclaimed the former coastal protec- 
torate a crown colony. The Gold Coast Colony, established on 
July 24, 1874, comprised the coastal areas and extended inland 
as far as the ill-defined borders of Asante. 

The coastal peoples did not greet this move with enthusiasm. 
They were not consulted about this annexation, which arbi- 
trarily set aside the Bond of 1844 and treated its signatories like 
conquered territories. The British, however, made no claim to 



16 



Historical Setting 



any rights to the land, a circumstance that probably explains 
the absence of popular resistance. Shortly after declaring the 
coastal area a colony, the British moved the colonial capital 
from Cape Coast to the former Danish castle at Christiansborg 
in Accra. 

The British sphere of influence was eventually extended to 
include Asante. Following the defeat of Asante in 1896, the 
British proclaimed a protectorate over the kingdom. Once the 
asantehene and his council had been exiled, the British 
appointed a resident commissioner to Asante, who was given 
both civil and criminal jurisdiction over the territories. Each 
Asante state was administered from Kumasi as a separate entity 
and was ultimately responsible to the governor of the Gold 
Coast. As noted above, Asante became a colony following its 
final defeat in 1901. 

In the meantime, the British became interested in the broad 
areas north of Asante, known generally as the Northern Terri- 
tories. This interest was prompted primarily by the need to 
forestall the French and the Germans, who had been making 
rapid advances in the surrounding areas. British officials had 
first penetrated the area in the 1880s, and after 1896 protec- 
tion was extended to northern areas whose trade with the coast 
had been controlled by Asante. In 1898 and 1899, European 
colonial powers amicably demarcated the boundaries between 
the Northern Territories and the surrounding French and Ger- 
man colonies. The Northern Territories were proclaimed a 
British protectorate in 1902. 

Like the Asante protectorate, the Northern Territories were 
placed under the authority of a resident commissioner who was 
responsible to the governor of the Gold Coast. The governor 
ruled both Asante and the Northern Territories by proclama- 
tions until 1946. 

With the north under British control, the three territories of 
the Gold Coast — the Colony (the coastal regions), Asante, and 
the Northern Territories — became, for all practical purposes, a 
single political unit, or crown colony, known as "the depen- 
dency" or simply as the Gold Coast. The borders of present-day 
Ghana were realized in May 1956 when the people of the Volta 
region, known as British Mandated Togoland, voted in a plebi- 
scite to become part of modern Ghana (see fig. 3). 

Colonial Administration 

Beginning in 1850, the coastal regions increasingly came 



17 



Ghana: A Country Study 



Region boundary 




Source: Based on information from William Ernest Ward, A History of Ghana, London, 
1958, 24. 

Figure 3. Administrative Divisions of the Gold Coast, mid-1 950s 

under control of the governor of the British fortresses, who was 
assisted by the Executive Council and the Legislative Council. 
The Executive Council was a small advisory body of European 
officials that recommended laws and voted taxes, subject to the 
governor's approval. The Legislative Council included the 
members of the Executive Council and unofficial members ini- 
tially chosen from British commercial interests. After 1900 
three chiefs and three other Africans were added to the Legis- 



18 



Historical Setting 



lative Council, these being chosen from the Europeanized 
communities of Accra, Cape Coast, and Sekondi. The inclusion 
of Africans from Asante and the Northern Territories did not 
take place until much later. Prior to 1925, all members of the 
Legislative Council were appointed by the governor. Official 
members always outnumbered unofficial members. 

The gradual emergence of centralized colonial government 
brought about unified control over local services, although the 
actual administration of these services was still delegated to 
local authorities. Specific duties and responsibilities came to be 
clearly delineated, and the role of traditional states in local 
administration was also clarified. 

The structure of local government had its roots in tradi- 
tional patterns of government. Village councils of chiefs and 
elders were almost exclusively responsible for the immediate 
needs of individual localities, including traditional law and 
order and the general welfare. The councils, however, ruled by 
consent rather than by right. Chiefs were chosen by the ruling 
class of the society; a traditional leader continued to rule not 
only because he was the choice of what may be termed the 
nobility, but also because he was accepted by his people. The 
unseating or destooling of a chief by tribal elders was a fairly 
common practice if the chief failed to meet the desires or 
expectations of the community (see Traditional Patterns of 
Social Relations, ch. 2). 

Traditional chiefs figured prominently in the system of indi- 
rect rule adopted by British authorities to administer their col- 
onies in Africa. According to Frederick Lugard, architect of the 
policy, indirect rule was cost effective because it reduced the 
number of European officials in the field. By allowing local rul- 
ers to exercise direct administrative control over their people, 
opposition to European rule from the local population would 
be minimized. The chiefs, however, were to take instructions 
from their European supervisors. The plan, according to 
Lugard, had the further advantage of civilizing the natives 
because it exposed traditional rulers to the benefits of Euro- 
pean political organization and values. This "civilizing" process 
notwithstanding, indirect rule had the ultimate advantage of 
guaranteeing the maintenance of law and order. 

The application of indirect rule in the Gold Coast became 
essential, especially after Asante and the Northern Territories 
were brought under British rule. Before the effective coloniza- 
tion of these territories, the intention of the British was to use 



19 



Ghana: A Country Study 

both force and agreements to control chiefs in Asante and the 
north. Once indirect rule was implemented, the chiefs became 
responsible to the colonial authorities who supported them. In 
many respects, therefore, the power of each chief was greatly 
enhanced. Although Lugard pointed to the civilizing influence 
of indirect rule, critics of the policy argued that the element of 
popular participation was removed from the traditional politi- 
cal system. Despite the theoretical argument in favor of decen- 
tralization, indirect rule in practice caused chiefs to look to 
Accra (the capital) rather than to their people for all decisions. 

Many chiefs and elders came to regard themselves as a rul- 
ing aristocracy. Their councils were generally led by govern- 
ment commissioners, who often rewarded the chiefs with 
honors, decorations, and knighthood. Indirect rule tended to 
preserve traditional forms and sources of power, however, and 
it failed to provide meaningful opportunities for the growing 
number of educated young men anxious to find a niche in 
their country's development. Other groups were dissatisfied 
because there was not sufficient cooperation between the 
councils and the central government and because some felt 
that the local authorities were too dominated by the British dis- 
trict commissioners. 

In 1925 provincial councils of chiefs were established in all 
three territories of the colony, partly to give the chiefs a colony- 
wide function. This move was followed in 1927 by the promul- 
gation of the Native Administration Ordinance, which replaced 
an 1883 arrangement that had placed chiefs in the Gold Coast 
Colony under British supervision. The purpose was to clarify 
and to regulate the powers and areas of jurisdiction of chiefs 
and councils. Councils were given specific responsibilities over 
disputed elections and the unseating of chiefs; the procedure 
for the election of chiefs was set forth; and judicial powers were 
defined and delegated. Councils were entrusted with the role 
of defining customary law in their areas (the government had 
to approve their decisions), and the provincial councils were 
empowered to become tribunals to decide matters of custom- 
ary law when the dispute lay between chiefs in different hierar- 
chies. Until 1939, when the Native Treasuries Ordinance was 
passed, however, there was no provision for local budgets. In 
1935 the Native Authorities Ordinance combined the central 
colonial government and the local authorities into a single gov- 
erning system. New native authorities, appointed by the gover- 
nor, were given wide powers of local government under the 



20 



Historical Setting 



supervision of the central government's provincial commission- 
ers, who assured that their policies would be those of the cen- 
tral government. 

The provincial councils and moves to strengthen them were 
not popular. Even by British standards, the chiefs were not 
given enough power to be effective instruments of indirect 
rule. Some Ghanaians believed that the reforms, by increasing 
the power of the chiefs at the expense of local initiative, per- 
mitted the colonial government to avoid movement toward any 
form of popular participation in the colony's government. 

Economic and Social Development 

The years of British administration of the Gold Coast during 
the twentieth century were an era of significant progress in 
social, economic, and educational development. Transporta- 
tion, for example, was greatly improved. The Sekondi-Tarkwa 
railroad, begun in 1898, was extended until it connected most 
of the important commercial centers of the south, and by 1937, 
there were 9,700 kilometers of roads. Telecommunication and 
postal services were initiated as well. 

New crops were also introduced and gained widespread 
acceptance. Cacao trees, introduced in 1878, brought the first 
cash crop to the farmers of the interior; cocoa became the 
mainstay of the nation's economy in the 1920s when disease 
wiped out Brazil's trees. The production of cocoa was largely in 
the hands of Africans. The Cocoa Marketing Board was created 
in 1947 to assist farmers and to stabilize the production and 
sale of their crop. By the end of that decade, the Gold Coast 
was supplying more than half of the world's cocoa. 

The colony's earnings increased further from the export of 
timber and gold. Gold, which initially brought Europeans to 
the Gold Coast, remained in the hands of Africans until the 
1890s. Traditional techniques of panning and shaft mining, 
however, yielded only limited output. The development of 
modern modes of extracting minerals made gold mining an 
exclusively foreign-run enterprise. For example, Ashanti Gold- 
fields Corporation, which was organized in 1897, gained a con- 
cession of about 160 square kilometers in which to prospect 
commercially for gold. Although certain tribal authorities prof- 
ited greatly from the granting of mining concessions, it was the 
European mining companies and the colonial government 
that accumulated much of the wealth. Revenue from export of 
the colony's natural resources financed internal improvements 



21 



Ghana: A Country Study 

in infrastructure and social services. The foundation of an edu- 
cational system more advanced than any other in West Africa 
also resulted from mineral export revenue. 

Many of the economic and social improvements in the Gold 
Coast in the early part of the twentieth century have been 
attributed to Frederick Gordon Guggisberg, governor from 
1919 to 192V. Born in Toronto, Canada, Guggisberg joined the 
British army in 1889. During the first decade of the twentieth 
century, he worked as a surveyor in the British colonies of the 
Gold Coast and Nigeria, and later, during World War I, he 
served in France. 

At the beginning of his governorship of the Gold Coast, 
Guggisberg presented a ten-year development program to the 
Legislative Council. He suggested first the improvement of 
transportation. Then, in order of priority, his prescribed 
improvements included water supply, drainage, hydroelectric 
projects, public buildings, town improvements, schools, hospi- 
tals, prisons, communication lines, and other services. Guggis- 
berg also set a goal of filling half of the colony's technical 
positions with Africans as soon as they could be trained. His 
program has been described as the most ambitious ever pro- 
posed in West Africa up to that time. Another of the governor's 
programs led to the development of an artificial harbor at 
Takoradi, which then became Ghana's first port. Achimota Col- 
lege, which developed into one of the nation's finest secondary 
schools, was also a Guggisberg idea. 

During the colonial years, the country's educational institu- 
tions improved markedly. From beginnings in missionary 
schools, the early part of the twentieth century saw significant 
advances in many fields, and, although the missions continued 
to participate, the government steadily increased its interest 
and support. In 1909 the government established a technical 
school and a teachers' training college at Accra; several other 
secondary schools were set up by the missions. The govern- 
ment steadily increased its financial backing for the growing 
number of both state and mission schools. In 1948 the country 
opened its first center of higher learning, the University Col- 
lege. It was through British-style education that a new Ghana- 
ian elite gained the means and the desire to strive for 
independence. 

The colony assisted Britain in both World War I and World 
War II. From 1914 to 1918, the Gold Coast Regiment served 
with distinction in battles against German forces in Cameroon 



22 



Asantehene Otumfuo Nana Opoku Ware II sitting in state to receive 

homage from his subjects 
Courtesy Embassy of Ghana, Washington 
The paramount chief ofNakong, Kasena people, far northern Ghana 
Courtesy life in general (Brook, Rose, and Cooper Le Van) 



23 



Ghana: A Country Study 

and in the long East Africa campaign. In World War II, troops 
from the Gold Coast emerged with even greater prestige after 
outstanding service in such places as Ethiopia and Burma. In 
the ensuing years, however, postwar problems of inflation and 
instability severely hampered readjustment for returning veter- 
ans, who were in the forefront of growing discontent and 
unrest. Their war service and veterans' associations had broad- 
ened their horizons, making it difficult for them to return to 
the humble and circumscribed positions set aside for Africans 
by the colonial authorities. 

The Growth of Nationalism and the End of Colonial 
Rule 

As the country developed economically, the focus of govern- 
ment power gradually shifted from the hands of the governor 
and his officials into those of Ghanaians. The changes resulted 
from the gradual development of a strong spirit of nationalism 
and were to result eventually in independence. The develop- 
ment of national consciousness accelerated quickly after World 
War II, when, in addition to ex-servicemen, a substantial group 
of urban African workers and traders emerged to lend mass 
support to the aspirations of a small educated minority. Once 
the movement had begun, events moved rapidly — not always 
fast enough to satisfy the nationalist leaders, but still at a pace 
that surprised not only the colonial government but also many 
of the more conservative Africans. 

Early Manifestations of Nationalism 

As early as the latter part of the nineteenth century, a grow- 
ing number of educated Africans found an arbitrary political 
system that placed almost all power in the hands of the gover- 
nor through his appointment of council members increasingly 
unacceptable. In the 1890s, some members of the educated 
coastal elite organized themselves into the Aborigines' Rights 
Protection Society to protest a land bill that threatened tradi- 
tional land tenure. This protest helped lay the foundation for 
political action that would ultimately lead to independence. In 
1920 one of the African members of the Legislative Council, 
Joseph E. Casely-Hayford, convened the National Congress of 
British West Africa, which sent a delegation to London to urge 
the Colonial Office to consider the principle of elected repre- 
sentation. The group, which claimed to speak for all British 



24 



Historical Setting 



West African colonies, represented the first expression of polit- 
ical solidarity between intellectuals and nationalists of the area. 
Even though the delegation was not received in London (on 
the grounds that it represented only the interests of a small 
group of urbanized Africans), its actions aroused considerable 
support among the African elite at home. 

Notwithstanding their call for elected representation as 
opposed to a system whereby the governor appointed council 
members, these nationalists insisted that they were loyal to the 
British Crown and that they merely sought an extension of Brit- 
ish political and social practices to Africans. Notable leaders 
included Africanus Horton, Jr., J.M. Sarbah, and S.R.B. 
Attah-Ahoma. Such men gave the nationalist movement a dis- 
tinctly elitist flavor that was to last until the late 1940s. 

The constitution of 1925, promulgated by Guggisberg, cre- 
ated provincial councils of paramount chiefs for all but the 
northern provinces of the colony. These councils in turn 
elected six chiefs as unofficial members of the Legislative 
Council. Although the new constitution appeared to recognize 
African sentiments, Guggisberg was concerned primarily with 
protecting British interests. For example, he provided Africans 
with a limited voice in the central government; yet, by limiting 
nominations to chiefs, he drove a wedge between chiefs and 
their educated subjects. The intellectuals believed that the 
chiefs, in return for British support, had allowed the provincial 
councils to fall completely under control of the government. 
By the mid-1930s, however, a gradual rapprochement between 
chiefs and intellectuals had begun. 

Agitation for more adequate representation continued. 
Newspapers owned and managed by Africans played a major 
part in provoking this discontent — six were being published in 
the 1930s. As a result of the call for broader representation, two 
more unofficial African members were added to the Executive 
Council in 1943. Changes in the Legislative Council, however, 
had to await a different political climate in London, which 
came about only with the postwar election of a British Labour 
Party government. 

The new Gold Coast constitution of 1946 (also known as the 
Burns constitution after the governor of the time) was a bold 
document. For the first time, the concept of an official majority 
was abandoned. The Legislative Council was now composed of 
six ex-officio members, six nominated members, and eighteen 
elected members. The 1946 constitution also admitted repre- 



25 



Ghana: A Country Study 

sentatives from Asante into the council for the first time. Even 
with a Labour Party government in power, however, the British 
continued to view the colonies as a source of raw materials that 
were needed to strengthen their crippled economy. Change 
that would place real power in African hands was not a priority 
among British leaders until after rioting and looting in Accra 
and other towns and cities in early 1948 over issues of pensions 
for ex-servicemen, the dominant role of foreigners in the econ- 
omy, the shortage of housing, and other economic and politi- 
cal grievances. 

With elected members in a decisive majority, Ghana had 
reached a level of political maturity unequaled anywhere in 
colonial Africa. The constitution did not, however, grant full 
self-government. Executive power remained in the hands of 
the governor, to whom the Legislative Council was responsible. 
Hence, the constitution, although greeted with enthusiasm as a 
significant milestone, soon encountered trouble. World War II 
had just ended, and many Gold Coast veterans who had served 
in British overseas expeditions returned to a country beset with 
shortages, inflation, unemployment, and black-market prac- 
tices. These veterans, along with discontented urban elements, 
formed a nucleus of malcontents ripe for disruptive action. 
They were now joined by farmers, who resented drastic govern- 
mental measures that mandated the cutting down of diseased 
cacao trees in order to control an epidemic, and by many oth- 
ers who were unhappy that the end of the war had not been fol- 
lowed by economic improvements. 

The Politics of the Independence Movements 

Although political organizations had existed in the British 
colony, the United Gold Coast Convention (UGCC) was the 
first nationalist movement with the aim of self-government "in 
the shortest possible time." Founded in August 1947 by edu- 
cated Africans such as J.B. Danquah, A.G. Grant, R.A. 
Awoonor-Williams, Edward Akufo Addo (all lawyers except for 
Grant, who was a wealthy businessman), and others, the leader- 
ship of the organization called for the replacement of chiefs on 
the Legislative Council with educated persons. For these politi- 
cal leaders, traditional governance, exercised largely via indi- 
rect rule, was identified with colonial interests and the past. 
They believed that it was their responsibility to lead their coun- 
try into a new age. They also demanded that, given their educa- 
tion, the colonial administration should respect them and 



26 



Historical Setting 



accord them positions of responsibility. As one writer on the 
period reported, "The symbols of progress, science, freedom, 
youth, all became cues which the new leadership evoked and 
reinforced." In particular, the UGCC leadership criticized the 
government for its failure to solve the problems of unemploy- 
ment, inflation, and the disturbances that had come to charac- 
terize the society at the end of the war. 

Their opposition to the colonial administration notwith- 
standing, UGCC members were conservative in the sense that 
their leadership did not seek drastic or revolutionary change. 
This was probably a result of their training in the British way of 
doing things. The gentlemanly manner in which politics were 
then conducted was to change after Kwame Nkrumah created 
his Convention People's Party (CPP) in June 1949. 

Nkrumah was born at Nkroful in the Nzema area and edu- 
cated in Catholic schools at Half Assini and Achimota. He 
received further training in the United States at Lincoln Uni- 
versity and at the University of Pennsylvania. Later, in London, 
Nkrumah became active in the West African Students' Union 
and the Pan-African Congress. He was one of the few Africans 
who participated in the Manchester Congress of 1945 of the 
Pan-Africanist movement. During his time in Britain, Nkrumah 
came to know such outspoken anti-colonialists and intellectuals 
as the West Indian George Padmore and the African-American 
W.E.B. Du Bois. In 1947, when the UGCC was created in the 
Gold Coast to oppose colonial rule, Nkrumah was invited from 
London to become the movement's general secretary. 

Nkrumah's tenure with the UGCC was a stormy one. In 
March 1948, he was arrested and detained with other leaders of 
the UGCC for political activism. Later, after the other members 
of the UGCC were invited to make recommendations to the 
Coussey Committee, which was advising the governor on the 
path to independence, Nkrumah broke with the UGCC and 
founded the CPP. Unlike the UGCC, which called for self-gov- 
ernment "in the shortest possible time," Nkrumah and the CPP 
asked for "self-government now." The party leadership, made 
up of Nkrumah, Kojo Botsio, Komla A. Gbedemah, and a 
group of mostly young political professionals known as the 
"Verandah Boys," identified itself more with ordinary working 
people than with the UGCC and its intelligentsia. 

Nkrumah's style and the promises he made appealed directly 
to the majority of workers, farmers, and youths who heard him; 
he seemed to be the national leader on whom they could focus 



27 



Ghana: A Country Study 



their hopes. He also won the support of influential market 
women, who, through their domination of small-scale trade, 
served as effective channels of communication at the local 
level. 

The majority of the politicized population, stirred in the 
postwar years by outspoken newspapers, was separated from 
both the tribal chiefs and the Anglophile elite nearly as much 
as from the British by economic, social, and educational fac- 
tors. This majority consisted primarily of ex-servicemen, liter- 
ate persons who had some primary schooling, journalists, and 
elementary school teachers, all of whom had developed a taste 
for populist conceptions of democracy. A growing number of 
uneducated but urbanized industrial workers also formed part 
of the support group. Nkrumah was able to appeal to them on 
their own terms. By June 1949, when the CPP was formed with 
the avowed purpose of seeking immediate self-governance, 
Nkrumah had a mass following. 

The constitution of 1951 resulted from the report of the 
Coussey Committee, created because of disturbances in Accra 
and other cities in 1948. In addition to giving the Executive 
Council a large majority of African ministers, it created a Legis- 
lative Assembly, half the elected members of which were to 
come from the towns and rural districts and half from the tra- 
ditional councils, including, for the first time, the Northern 
Territories. Although it was an enormous step forward, the new 
constitution still fell far short of the CPP's call for full 
self-government. Executive power remained in British hands, 
and the legislature was tailored to permit control by tradition- 
alist interests. 

With increasing popular backing, the CPP in early 1950 initi- 
ated a campaign of "positive action," intended to instigate wide- 
spread strikes and nonviolent resistance. When some violent 
disorders occurred, Nkrumah, along with his principal lieuten- 
ants, was promptly arrested and imprisoned for sedition. But 
this merely increased his prestige as leader and hero of the 
cause and gave him the status of martyr. In February 1951, the 
first elections were held for the Legislative Assembly under the 
new constitution. Nkrumah, still in jail, won a seat, and the 
CPP won an impressive victory with a two-thirds majority of the 
104 seats. 

The governor, Sir Charles Arden-Clarke, released Nkrumah 
and invited him to form a government as "leader of govern- 
ment business," a position similar to that of prime minister. 



28 



Historical Setting 



Nkrumah accepted. A major milestone had been passed on the 
road to independence and self-government. Nonetheless, 
although the CPP agreed to work within the new constitutional 
order, the structure of government that existed in 1951 was cer- 
tainly not what the CPP preferred. The ministries of defense, 
external affairs, finance, and justice were still controlled by 
British officials who were not responsible to the legislature. 
Also, by providing for a sizable representation of traditional 
tribal chiefs in the Legislative Assembly, the constitution accen- 
tuated the cleavage between the modern political leaders and 
the traditional authorities of the councils of chiefs. 

The start of Nkrumah's first term as "leader of government 
business" was marked by cordiality and cooperation with the 
British governor. During the next few years, the government 
was gradually transformed into a full parliamentary system. 
The changes were opposed by the more traditionalist African 
elements, particularly in Asante and the Northern Territories. 
This opposition, however, proved ineffective in the face of con- 
tinuing and growing popular support for a single overriding 
concept — independence at an early date. 

In 1952 the position of prime minister was created and the 
Executive Council became the cabinet. The prime minister was 
made responsible to the Legislative Assembly, which duly 
elected Nkrumah prime minister. The constitution of 1954 
ended the election of assembly members by the tribal councils. 
The Legislative Assembly increased in size, and all members 
were chosen by direct election from equal, single-member con- 
stituencies. Only defense and foreign policy remained in the 
hands of the governor; the elected assembly was given control 
of virtually all internal affairs of the colony. 

The CPP pursued a policy of political centralization, which 
encountered serious opposition. Shortly after the 1954 elec- 
tion, a new party, the Asante-based National Liberation Move- 
ment (NLM), was formed. The NLM advocated a federal form 
of government, with increased powers for the various regions. 
NLM leaders criticized the CPP for perceived dictatorial ten- 
dencies. The new party worked in cooperation with another 
regionalist group, the Northern People's Party. When these two 
regional parties walked out of discussions on a new constitu- 
tion, the CPP feared that London might consider such disunity 
an indication that the colony was not yet ready for the next 
phase of self-government. 



29 



Ghana: A Country Study 

The British constitutional adviser, however, backed the CPP 
position. The governor dissolved the Legislative Assembly in 
order to test popular support for the CPP demand for immedi- 
ate independence. The crown agreed to grant independence if 
so requested by a two-thirds majority of the new legislature. 
New elections were held in July 1956. In keenly contested elec- 
tions, the CPP won 57 percent of the votes cast, but the frag- 
mentation of the opposition gave the CPP every seat in the 
south as well as enough seats in Asante, the Northern Territo- 
ries, and the Trans-Volta Region to hold a two-thirds majority of 
the 104 seats. 

Prior to the July 1956 general elections in the Gold Coast, a 
plebiscite was conducted under United Nations (UN) auspices 
to decide the future disposition of British Togoland and 
French Togoland. The British trusteeship, the western portion 
of the former German colony, had been linked to the Gold 
Coast since 1919 and was represented in its parliament. The 
dominant ethnic group, the Ewe, were divided between the 
Gold Coast proper and the two Togos. A clear majority of Brit- 
ish Togoland inhabitants voted in favor of union with their 
western neighbors, and the area was absorbed into the Gold 
Coast. There was, however, vocal opposition to the incorpora- 
tion from some of the Ewe in southern British Togoland. 

Independent Ghana 

On August 3, 1956, the newly elected Legislative Assembly 
passed a motion authorizing the government to request inde- 
pendence within the British Commonwealth. The opposition 
did not attend the debate, and the vote was unanimous. The 
British government accepted this motion as clearly represent- 
ing a reasonable majority. On March 6, 1957, the 113th anni- 
versary of the Bond of 1844, the former British colony of the 
Gold Coast became the independent state of Ghana. The 
nation's Legislative Assembly became the National Assembly, 
and Nkrumah continued as prime minister. According to an 
independence constitution also drafted in 1957, Queen Eliza- 
beth II was to be represented in the former colony by a gover- 
nor general, and Sir Arden-Clarke was appointed to that 
position. This special relationship between the British Crown 
and Ghana would continue until 1960, when the position of 
governor general was abolished under terms of a new constitu- 
tion that declared the nation a republic. 



30 



Ghana's monument to independence, Black Star Square, Accra 

Courtesy James Sanders 



31 



Ghana: A Country Study 

The independence constitution of 1957 provided protection 
against easy amendment of a number of its clauses. It also 
granted a voice to chiefs and their tribal councils by providing 
for the creation of regional assemblies. No bill amending the 
entrenched clauses of the constitution or affecting the powers 
of the regional bodies or the privileges of the chiefs could 
become law except by a two-thirds vote of the National Assem- 
bly and by simple majority approval in two-thirds of the 
regional assemblies. When local CPP supporters gained control 
of enough regional assemblies, however, the Nkrumah govern- 
ment promptly secured passage of an act removing the special 
entrenchment protection clause in the constitution, a step that 
left the National Assembly with the power to effect any consti- 
tutional change the CPP deemed necessary. 

Among the CPP's earliest acts was the outright abolition of 
regional assemblies. Another was the dilution of the clauses 
designed to ensure a nonpolitical and competitive civil service. 
This action allowed Nkrumah to appoint his followers to posi- 
tions throughout the upper ranks of public employment. 
Thereafter, unfettered by constitutional restrictions and with 
an obedient party majority in the assembly, Nkrumah began his 
administration of the first independent African country south 
of the Sahara. 

Nkrumah, Ghana, and Africa 

Nkrumah has been described by author Peter Omari as a 
dictator who "made much of elections, when he was aware that 
they were not really free but rigged in his favor." According to 
Omari, the CPP administration of Ghana was one that manipu- 
lated the constitutional and electoral processes of democracy 
to justify Nkrumah's agenda. The extent to which the govern- 
ment would pursue that agenda constitutionally was demon- 
strated early in the administration's life when it succeeded in 
passing the Deportation Act of 1957, the same year that ethnic, 
religious, and regional parties were banned. The Deportation 
Act empowered the governor general and, therefore, subse- 
quent heads of state, to expel persons whose presence in the 
country was deemed not in the interest of the public good. 
Although the act was to be applied only to non-Ghanaians, sev- 
eral people to whom it was later applied claimed to be citizens. 

The Preventive Detention Act, passed in 1958, gave power to 
the prime minister to detain certain persons for up to five years 
without trial. Amended in 1959 and again in 1962, the act was 



32 



Historical Setting 



seen by opponents of the CPP government as a flagrant restric- 
tion of individual freedom and human rights. Once it had been 
granted these legal powers, the CPP administration managed 
to silence its opponents. J. B. Danquah, a leading member of 
the UGCC, was detained until he died in prison in 1965. Kofi 
Abrefa Busia, leader of the opposition United Party (UP), 
formed by the NLM and other parties in response to Nkru- 
mah's outlawing of so-called separatist parties in 1957, went 
into exile in London to escape detention, while other UP mem- 
bers still in the country joined the ruling party. 

On July 1, 1960, Ghana became a republic, and Nkrumah 
won the presidential election that year. Shortly thereafter, 
Nkrumah was proclaimed president for life, and the CPP 
became the sole party of the state. Using the powers granted 
him by the party and the constitution, Nkrumah by 1961 had 
detained an estimated 400 to 2,000 of his opponents. Nkru- 
mah's critics pointed to the rigid hold of the CPP over the 
nation's political system and to numerous cases of human 
rights abuses. Others, however, defended Nkrumah's agenda 
and policies. 

Nkrumah discussed his political views in his numerous writ- 
ings, especially in Africa Must Unite (1963) and in Neo-Colonial- 
ism (1965). These writings show the impact of his stay in Britain 
in the mid-1940s. The Pan-Africanist movement, which had 
held one of its annual conferences, attended by Nkrumah, at 
Manchester in 1945, was influenced by socialist ideologies. The 
movement sought unity among people of African descent and 
also improvement in the lives of workers, who, it was alleged, 
had been exploited by capitalist enterprises in Africa. Western 
countries with colonial histories were identified as the exploit- 
ers. According to the socialists, "oppressed" people ought to 
identify with the socialist countries and organizations that best 
represented their interests; however, all the dominant world 
powers in the immediate post-1945 period, except the Soviet 
Union and the United States, had colonial ties with Africa. 
Nkrumah asserted that even the United States, which had 
never colonized any part of Africa, was in an advantageous posi- 
tion to exploit independent Africa unless preventive efforts 
were taken. 

According to Nkrumah, his government, which represented 
the first black African nation to win independence, had an 
important role to play in the struggle against capitalist interests 
on the continent. As he put it, "The independence of Ghana 



33 



Ghana: A Country Study 

would be meaningless unless it was tied to the total liberation 
of Africa." It was important, then, he said, for Ghanaians to 
"seek first the political kingdom." Economic benefits associated 
with independence were to be enjoyed later, proponents of 
Nkrumah's position argued. But Nkrumah needed strategies to 
pursue his goals. 

On the domestic front, Nkrumah believed that rapid mod- 
ernization of industries and communications was necessary 
and that it could be achieved if the workforce were completely 
Africanized and educated. Even more important, however, 
Nkrumah believed that this domestic goal could be achieved 
faster if it were not hindered by reactionary politicians — elites 
in the opposition parties and traditional chiefs — who might 
compromise with Western imperialists. From such an ideologi- 
cal position, Nkrumah's supporters justified the Deportation 
Act of 1957; the Detention Acts of 1958, 1959, and 1962; parlia- 
mentary intimidation of CPP opponents; the appointment of 
Nkrumah as president for life; the recognition of his party as 
the sole political organization of the state; the creation of the 
Young Pioneer Movement for the ideological education of the 
nation's youth; and the party's control of the civil service. Gov- 
ernment expenditures on road building projects, mass educa- 
tion of adults and children, and health services, as well as the 
construction of the Akosombo Dam, were all important if 
Ghana were to play its leading role in Africa's liberation from 
colonial and neo-colonial domination. 

On the continental level, Nkrumah sought to unite Africa so 
it could defend its international economic interests and stand 
up against the political pressures from East and West that were 
a result of the Cold War. His dream for Africa was a continua- 
tion of the Pan-Africanist dream as expressed at the Manches- 
ter conference. The initial strategy was to encourage 
revolutionary political movements in Africa, beginning with a 
Ghana, Guinea, and Mali union, that would serve as the psy- 
chological and political impetus for the formation of a United 
States of Africa. Thus, when Nkrumah was criticized for paying 
little attention to Ghana or for wasting national resources in 
supporting external programs, he reversed the argument and 
accused his opponents of being short-sighted. 

But the heavy financial burdens created by Nkrumah's devel- 
opment policies and Pan-Africanist adventures created new 
sources of opposition. With the presentation in July 1961 of the 
country's first austerity budget, Ghana's workers and farmers 



34 



Historical Setting 



became aware of and critical of the cost to them of Nkrumah's 
programs. Their reaction set the model for the protests over 
taxes and benefits that were to dominate Ghanaian political cri- 
ses for the next thirty years. 

CPP backbenchers and UP representatives in the National 
Assembly sharply criticized the government's demand for 
increased taxes and, particularly, for a forced savings program. 
Urban workers began a protest strike, the most serious of a 
number of public outcries against government measures dur- 
ing 1961. Nkrumah's public demands for an end to corruption 
in the government and the party further undermined popular 
faith in the national government. A drop in the price paid to 
cocoa farmers by the government marketing board aroused 
resentment among a segment of the population that had 
always been Nkrumah's major opponent. 

The Growth of Opposition to Nkrumah 

Nkrumah's complete domination of political power had 
served to isolate lesser leaders, leaving each a real or imagined 
challenger to the ruler. After opposition parties were crushed, 
opponents came only from within the CPP hierarchy. Among 
its members was Tawia Adamafio, an Accra politician. Nkru- 
mah had made him general secretary of the CPP for a brief 
time. Later, Adamafio was appointed minister of state for presi- 
dential affairs, the most important post in the president's staff 
at Flagstaff House, which gradually became the center for all 
decision making and much of the real administrative machin- 
ery for both the CPP and the government. The other leader 
with an apparently autonomous base was John Tettegah, leader 
of the Trade Union Congress. Neither, however, proved to have 
any power other than that granted to them by the president. 

By 1961, however, the young and more radical members of 
the CPP leadership, led by Adamafio, had gained ascendancy 
over the original CPP leaders like Gbedemah. After a bomb 
attempt on Nkrumah's life in August 1962, Adamafio, Ako 
Adjei (then minister of foreign affairs), and Cofie Crabbe (all 
members of the CPP) were jailed under the Preventive Deten- 
tion Act. The CPP newspapers charged them with complicity in 
the assassination attempt, offering as evidence only the fact 
that they had all chosen to ride in cars far behind the presi- 
dent's when the bomb was thrown. 

For more than a year, the trial of the alleged plotters of the 
1962 assassination attempt occupied center stage. The accused 



35 



Ghana: A Country Study 



were brought to trial before the three-judge court for state 
security, headed by the chief justice, Sir Arku Korsah. When the 
court acquitted the accused, Nkrumah used his constitutional 
prerogative to dismiss Korsah. Nkrumah then obtained a vote 
from the parliament that allowed retrial of Adamafio and his 
associates. A new court, with a jury chosen by Nkrumah, found 
all the accused guilty and sentenced them to death. These sen- 
tences, however, were commuted to twenty years' imprison- 
ment. 

In early 1964, in order to prevent future challenges from the 
judiciary, Nkrumah obtained a constitutional amendment 
allowing him to dismiss any judge. At the same time, Ghana 
officially became a single-party state, and an act of parliament 
ensured that there would be only one candidate for president. 
Other parties having already been outlawed, no non-CPP can- 
didates came forward to challenge the party slate in the gen- 
eral elections announced for June 1965. Nkrumah had been 
re-elected president of the country for less than a year when 
members of the National Liberation Council (NLC) overthrew 
the CPP government in a military coup on February 24, 1966. 
At the time, Nkrumah was in China. He took up asylum in 
Guinea, where he remained until he died in 1972. 

The Fall of the Nkrumah Regime and Its Aftermath 

Leaders of the 1966 military coup, including army officers 
Colonel E.K. Kotcka, Major A.A. Afrifa, Lieutenant General 
(retired) J. A. Ankra, and Police Inspector General J.W.K. Hart- 
ley, justified their takeover by charging that the CPP adminis- 
tration was abusive and corrupt. They were equally disturbed 
by Nkrumah's aggressive involvement in African politics and by 
his belief that Ghanaian troops could be sent anywhere in 
Africa to fight so-called liberation wars, even though they never 
did so. Above all, they pointed to the absence of democratic 
practices in the nation — a situation they claimed had affected 
the morale of the armed forces. According to Kotoka, the mili- 
tary coup of 1966 was a nationalist one because it liberated the 
nation from Nkrumah's dictatorship — a declaration that was 
supported by Alex Quaison-Sackey, Nkrumah's former minister 
of foreign affairs. 

Despite the vast political changes brought about by the over- 
throw of Nkrumah, many problems remained. For example, 
the underlying ethnic and regional divisions within society had 
to be addressed. The apparent spirit of national unity that 



36 



Historical Setting 



seemed to have developed during the Nkrumah years turned 
out to have resulted in part from his coercive powers as well as 
from his charisma. As a consequence, successive new leaders 
faced the problem of forging disparate personal, ethnic, and 
sectional interests into a real Ghanaian nation. The economic 
burdens, aggravated by what some described as past extrava- 
gance, would cripple each future government's ability to foster 
the rapid development needed to satisfy even minimal popular 
demands for a better life. The fear of a resurgence of an overly 
strong central authority would continue to dominate the con- 
stitutional agenda and to pervade the thinking of many edu- 
cated, politically minded Ghanaians. Others, however, felt that 
a strong government was essential. 

A considerable portion of the population had become con- 
vinced that effective, honest government was incompatible 
with competitive political parties. Many Ghanaians remained 
committed to nonpolitical leadership for the nation, even in 
the form of military rule. The problems of the Busia adminis- 
tration, the country's first elected government after Nkrumah's 
fall, illustrated the problems Ghana would continue to face. 

The National Liberation Council and the Busia Years, 1966-71 

The leaders of the coup that overthrew Nkrumah immedi- 
ately opened the country's borders and its prison gates to allow 
the return from exile or release from preventive detention of 
all opponents of Nkrumah. The National Liberation Council 
(NLC), composed of four army officers and four police offic- 
ers, assumed executive power. It appointed a cabinet of civil 
servants and promised to restore democratic government as 
quickly as possible. The ban on the formation of political par- 
ties remained in force until late 1968, but activity by individual 
figures began much earlier with the appointment of a succes- 
sion of committees composed of civil servants and politicians as 
the first step in the return to civilian and representative rule. 

These moves culminated in the appointment of a represen- 
tative assembly to draft a constitution for the Second Republic 
of Ghana. Political party activity was allowed to commence with 
the opening of the assembly. By election time in August 1969, 
the first competitive nationwide political contest since 1956, 
five parties had been organized. 

The major contenders were the Progress Party (PP), headed 
by Kofi A. Busia, and the National Alliance of Liberals (NAL), 
led by Komla A. Gbedemah. Critics associated these two lead- 



37 



Ghana: A Country Study 



ing parties with the political divisions of the early Nkrumah 
years. The PP found much of its support among the old oppo- 
nents of Nkrumah's CPP — the educated middle class and tradi- 
tionalists of Ashanti Region and the North. This link was 
strengthened by the fact that Busia had headed the NLM and 
its successor, the UP, before fleeing the country to oppose 
Nkrumah from exile. Similarly, the NAL was seen as the succes- 
sor of the CPP's right wing, which Gbedemah had headed until 
he was ousted by Nkrumah in 1961. 

The elections demonstrated an interesting voting pattern. 
For example, the PP carried all the seats among the Asante and 
the Brong. All seats in the northern regions of the country 
were closely contested. In the Volta Region, the PP won some 
Ewe seats, while the NAL won all seats in the non-Ewe northern 
section. Overall, the PP gained 59 percent of the popular vote 
and 74 percent of the seats in the National Assembly. The PP's 
victories demonstrated some support among nearly all ethnic 
groups. An estimated 60 percent of the electorate voted. 

Immediately after the elections, Gbedemah was barred from 
taking his seat in the National Assembly by a Supreme Court 
decision involving those CPP members who had been accused 
of financial crimes. Gbedemah retired permanently from active 
participation in politics. The NAL, left without a strong leader, 
controlled thirty seats; in October 1970, it absorbed the mem- 
bers of three other minor parties in the assembly to form the 
Justice Party (JP) under the leadership of Joseph Appiah. The 
JP's combined strength constituted what amounted to a south- 
ern bloc with a solid constituency among most of the Ewe and 
the peoples of the coastal cities. 

Busia, the PP leader in both parliament and the nation, 
became prime minister when the National Assembly met in 
September. An interim three-member presidential commis- 
sion, composed of Major Afrifa, Police Inspector General Harl- 
ley of the NLC, and the chief of the defense staff, Major 
General A.K. Ocran, served in place of an elected president for 
the first year and a half of civilian rule. The commission dis- 
solved itself in August 1970. Before stepping down, Afrifa criti- 
cized the constitution, particularly provisions that served more 
as a bar to the rise of a dictator than as a blueprint for an effec- 
tive, decisive government. The electoral college chose as presi- 
dent Chief Justice Edward Akufo Addo, one of the leading 
nationalist politicians of the UGCC era and one of the judges 
dismissed by Nkrumah in 1964. 



38 



Historical Setting 



All attention, however, remained focused on Prime Minister 
Busia and his government. Much was expected of the Busia 
administration because its parliamentarians were considered 
intellectuals and, therefore, more perceptive in their evalua- 
tions of what needed to be done. Many Ghanaians hoped that 
their decisions would be in the general interest of the nation, 
as compared with those made by the Nkrumah administration, 
which were judged to satisfy narrow party interests and Nkru- 
mah's personal agenda. The NLC had given assurances that 
there would be more democracy, more political maturity, and 
more freedom in Ghana because the politicians allowed to run 
in the 1969 elections were proponents of Western democracy. 
In fact, these were the same individuals who had suffered 
under the old regime and were, therefore, thought to under- 
stand the benefits of democracy. 

Two early measures initiated by the Busia government were 
the expulsion of large numbers of noncitizens from the coun- 
try and a companion measure to limit foreign involvement in 
small businesses. The moves were aimed at relieving the unem- 
ployment created by the country's precarious economic situa- 
tion (see Historical Background, ch. 3). The policies were 
popular because they forced out of the retail sector of the 
economy those foreigners, especially Lebanese, Asians, and 
Nigerians, who were perceived as unfairly monopolizing trade 
to the disadvantage of Ghanaians. Many other Busia moves, 
however, were not popular. Busia's decision to introduce a loan 
program for university students, who had hitherto received 
free education, was challenged because it was interpreted as 
introducing a class system into the country's highest institu- 
tions of learning. Some observers even saw Busia's devaluation 
of the national currency and his encouragement of foreign 
investment in the industrial sector of the economy as conserva- 
tive ideas that could undermine Ghana's sovereignty. 

The opposition JP's basic policies did not differ significantly 
from those of the Busia administration. Still, the party 
attempted to stress the importance of the central government 
rather than that of limited private enterprise in economic 
development, and it continued to emphasize programs of pri- 
mary interest to the urban work force. The ruling PP empha- 
sized the need for development in rural areas, both to slow the 
movement of population to the cities and to redress regional 
imbalance in levels of development. The JP and a growing 
number of PP members favored suspension of payment on 



39 



Ghana: A Country Study 

some foreign debts of the Nkrumah era. This attitude grew 
more popular as debt payments became more difficult to meet. 
Both parties favored the creation of a West African economic 
community or an economic union with neighboring West Afri- 
can states. 

Despite broad popular support garnered at its inception and 
strong foreign connections, the Busia government fell victim to 
an army coup within twenty-seven months. Neither ethnic nor 
class differences played a role in the overthrow of the PP gov- 
ernment. The crucial causes were the country's continuing 
economic difficulties, both those stemming from the high for- 
eign debts incurred by Nkrumah and those resulting from 
internal problems. The PP government had inherited US$580 
million in medium- and long-term debts, an amount equal to 
25 percent of the gross domestic product (GDP — see Glossary) 
of 1969. By 1971 the US$580 million had been further inflated 
by US$72 million in accrued interest payments and US$296 
million in short-term commercial credits. Within the country, 
an even larger internal debt fueled inflation. 

Ghana's economy remained largely dependent upon the 
often difficult cultivation of and market for cocoa. Cocoa 
prices had always been volatile, but exports of this tropical crop 
normally provided about half of the country's foreign currency 
earnings. Beginning in the 1960s, however, a number of factors 
combined to limit severely this vital source of national income. 
These factors included foreign competition (particularly from 
neighboring Cote dTvoire), a lack of understanding of free- 
market forces (by the government in setting prices paid to 
farmers), accusations of bureaucratic incompetence in the 
Cocoa Marketing Board, and the smuggling of crops into Cote 
d'lvoire. As a result, Ghana's income from cocoa exports con- 
tinued to fall dramatically. 

Austerity measures imposed by the Busia administration, 
although wise in the long run, alienated influential farmers, 
who until then had been PP supporters. These measures were 
part of Busia's economic structural adjustment efforts to put 
the country on a sounder financial base. The austerity pro- 
grams had been recommended by the International Monetary 
Fund (IMF — see Glossary). The recovery measures also 
severely affected the middle class and the salaried work force, 
both of which faced wage freezes, tax increases, currency deval- 
uations, and rising import prices. These measures precipitated 
protests from the Trade Union Congress. In response, the gov- 



40 



Colonel Ignatius Kutu 
Acheampong, head of state and 
chairman of the National 
Redemption Council and 
Supreme Military Council, 
1972-78 

Courtesy Embassy of Ghana, 
Washington 

ernment sent the army to occupy the trade union headquarters 
and to block strike actions — a situation that some perceived as 
negating the government's claim to be operating democrati- 
cally. 

The army troops and officers upon whom Busia relied for 
support were themselves affected, both in their personal lives 
and in the tightening of the defense budget, by these same aus- 
terity measures. As the leader of the anti-Busia coup declared 
on January 13, 1972, even those amenities enjoyed by the army 
during the Nkrumah regime were no longer available. Know- 
ing that austerity had alienated the officers, the Busia govern- 
ment began to change the leadership of the army's combat 
elements. This, however, was the last straw. Lieutenant Colonel 
Ignatius Kutu Acheampong, temporarily commanding the First 



Kwame Nkrumah, prime 
minister and president, 
1957-66 

Courtesy Embassy of Ghana, 
Washington 



41 



Ghana: A Country Study 



Brigade around Accra, led a bloodless coup that ended the Sec- 
ond Republic. 

The National Redemption Council Years, 1972-79 

Despite its short existence, the Second Republic was signifi- 
cant in that the development problems the nation faced came 
clearly into focus. These included uneven distribution of 
investment funds and favoritism toward certain groups and 
regions. Furthermore, important questions about developmen- 
tal priorities emerged. For example, was rural development 
more important than the needs of the urban population? Or, 
to what extent was the government to incur the cost of univer- 
sity education? And more important, was the public to be 
drawn into the debate about the nation's future? The impact of 
the fall of Ghana's Second Republic cast a shadow across the 
nation's political future because no clear answers to these prob- 
lems emerged. 

According to one writer, the overthrow of the PP govern- 
ment revealed that Ghana was no longer the pace-setter in 
Africa's search for workable political institutions. Both the radi- 
cal left and the conservative right had failed. In opposing 
Nkrumah's one-party state, Busia allegedly argued that socialist 
rule in Ghana had led to unemployment and poverty for many 
while party officials grew richer at the expense of the masses. 
But in justifying the one-party state, Nkrumah pointed to the 
weaknesses of multiparty parliamentary democracy, a system 
that delayed decision-making processes and, therefore, the 
ability to take action to foster development. The fall of both the 
Nkrumah and the Busia regimes seemed to have confused 
many with regard to the political direction the nation needed 
to take. In other words, in the first few years after the Nkrumah 
administration, Ghanaians were unable to arrive at a consensus 
on the type of government suited to address their national 
problems. 

It was this situation — the inability of the PP government to 
satisfy diverse interest groups — that ostensibly gave Acheam- 
pong an excuse for the January 13 takeover. Acheampong's 
National Redemption Council (NRC) claimed that it had to act 
to remove the ill effects of the currency devaluation of the pre- 
vious government and thereby, at least in the short run, to 
improve living conditions for individual Ghanaians. Under the 
circumstances, the NRC was compelled to take immediate mea- 
sures. Although committed to the reversal of the fiscal policies 



42 



Historical Setting 



of the PP government, the NRC, by comparison, adopted poli- 
cies that appeared painless and, therefore, popular. But unlike 
the coup leaders of the NLC, members of the NRC did not out- 
line any plan for the return of the nation to democratic rule. 
Some observers accused the NRC of acting simply to rectify 
their own grievances. 

To justify their takeover, coup leaders leveled charges of cor- 
ruption against Busia and his ministers. In its first years, the 
NRC drew support from a public pleased by the reversal of 
Busia's austerity measures. The Ghanaian currency was reval- 
ued upward, and two moves were announced to lessen the bur- 
den of existing foreign debts: the repudiation of US$90 million 
of Nkrumah's debts to British companies, and the unilateral 
rescheduling of the rest of the country's debts for payment 
over fifty years. Later, the NRC nationalized all large foreign- 
owned companies. But these measures, while instantly popular 
in the streets, did nothing to solve the country's real problems. 
If anything, they aggravated the problem of capital flow. 

Unlike the NLC of 1966, the NRC sought to create a truly 
military government; hence, in October 1975, the ruling coun- 
cil was reorganized into the Supreme Military Council (SMC), 
and its membership was restricted to a few senior military offic- 
ers. The intent was to consolidate the military's hold over gov- 
ernment administration and to address occasional 
disagreements, conflicts, and suspicions within the armed 
forces, which by now had emerged as the constituency of the 
military government. Little input from the civilian sector was 
allowed, and no offers were made to return any part of the gov- 
ernment to civilian control during the SMC's first five years in 
power. SMC members believed that the country's problems 
were caused by a lack of organization, which could be reme- 
died by applying military organization and thinking. This was 
the extent of the SMC philosophy. Officers were put in charge 
of all ministries and state enterprises; junior officers and ser- 
geants were assigned leadership roles down to the local level in 
every government department and parastatal organization. 

During the NRC's early years, these administrative changes 
led many Ghanaians to hope that the soldiers in command 
would improve the efficiency of the country's bloated bureau- 
cracies. Acheampong's popularity continued into 1974 as the 
government successfully negotiated international loan agree- 
ments and rescheduled Ghana's debts. The government also 
provided price supports for basic food imports, while seeking 



43 



Ghana: A Country Study 

to encourage Ghanaians to become self-reliant in agriculture 
and in the production of raw materials. In the Operation Feed 
Yourself program, all Ghanaians were encouraged to under- 
take some form of food production, with the goal of eventual 
food self-sufficiency for the country. The program enjoyed 
some initial success, but support for it gradually waned. 

Whatever limited success the NRC had in these efforts, how- 
ever, was overridden by other basic economic factors. Industry 
and transportation suffered greatly as world oil prices rose dur- 
ing and after 1974, and the lack of foreign exchange and credit 
left the country without fuel. Basic food production continued 
to decline even as the population grew, largely because of poor 
price management and urbanization. When world cocoa prices 
rose again in the late 1970s, Ghana was unable to take advan- 
tage of the price rise because of the low productivity of its old 
orchards. Moreover, because of the low prices paid to cocoa 
farmers, some growers along the nation's borders smuggled 
their produce to Togo or Cote d'lvoire. Disillusionment with 
the government grew, particularly among the educated. Accu- 
sations of personal corruption among the rulers also began to 
surface. 

The reorganization of the NRC into the SMC in 1975 may 
have been part of a face-saving attempt. Shortly after that time, 
the government sought to stifle opposition by issuing a decree 
forbidding the propagation of rumors and by banning a num- 
ber of independent newspapers and detaining their journalists. 
Also, armed soldiers broke up student demonstrations, and the 
government repeatedly closed the universities, which had 
become important centers of opposition to NRC policies. 

Despite these efforts, the SMC by 1977 found itself con- 
strained by mounting nonviolent opposition. To be sure, dis- 
cussions about the nation's political future and its relationship 
to the SMC had begun in earnest. Although the various opposi- 
tion groups (university students, lawyers, and other organized 
civilian groups) called for a return to civilian constitutional 
rule, Acheampong and the SMC favored a union govern- 
ment — a mixture of elected civilian and appointed military 
leaders — but one in which party politics would be abolished. 
University students and many intellectuals criticized the union 
government idea, but others, such as Justice Gustav Koranteng- 
Addow, who chaired the seventeen-member ad hoc committee 
appointed by the government to work out details of the plan, 
defended it as the solution to the nation's political problems. 



44 



Historical Setting 



Supporters of the union government idea viewed multiparty 
political contests as the perpetrators of social tension and com- 
munity conflict among classes, regions, and ethnic groups. 
Unionists argued that their plan had the potential to depoliti- 
cize public life and to allow the nation to concentrate its ener- 
gies on economic problems. 

A national referendum was held in March 1978 to allow the 
people to accept or reject the union government concept. A 
rejection of the union government meant a continuation of 
military rule. Given this choice, it was surprising that so narrow 
a margin voted in favor of union government. Opponents of 
the idea organized demonstrations against the government, 
arguing that the referendum vote had not been free or fair. 
The Acheampong government reacted by banning several 
organizations and by jailing as many as 300 of its opponents. 

The agenda for change in the union government referen- 
dum called for the drafting of a new constitution by an SMC- 
appointed commission, the selection of a constituent assembly 
by November 1978, and general elections in June 1979. The ad 
hoc committee had recommended a nonparty election, an 
elected executive president, and a cabinet whose members 
would be drawn from outside a single-house National Assem- 
bly. The military council would then step down, although its 
members could run for office as individuals. 

In July 1978, in a sudden move, the other SMC officers 
forced Acheampong to resign, replacing him with Lieutenant 
General Frederick W.K. Akuffo. The SMC apparently acted in 
response to continuing pressure to find a solution to the coun- 
try's economic dilemma. Inflation was estimated to be as high 
as 300 percent that year. There were shortages of basic com- 
modities, and cocoa production fell to half its 1964 peak. The 
council was also motivated by Acheampong's failure to dampen 
rising political pressure for changes. Akuffo, the new SMC 
chairman, promised publicly to hand over political power to a 
new government to be elected by July 1, 1979. 

Despite Akuffo's assurances, opposition to the SMC per- 
sisted. The call for the formation of political parties intensified. 
In an effort to gain support in the face of continuing strikes 
over economic and political issues, the Akuffo government at 
length announced that the formation of political parties would 
be allowed after January 1979. Akuffo also granted amnesty to 
former members of both Nkrumah's CPP and Busia's PP, as 
well as to all those convicted of subversion under Acheampong. 



45 



Ghana: A Country Study 

The decree lifting the ban on party politics went into effect 
on January 1, 1979, as planned. The commission that had been 
working on a new constitution presented an approved draft 
and adjourned in May. All appeared set for a new attempt at 
constitutional government in July, when a group of young army 
officers overthrew the SMC government in June 1979. 

Ghana and the Rawlings Era 

On May 15, 1979, less than five weeks before constitutional 
elections were to be held, a group of junior officers led by 
Flight Lieutenant Jerry John Rawlings attempted a coup. Ini- 
tially unsuccessful, the coup leaders were jailed and held for 
court-martial. On June 4, however, sympathetic military offic- 
ers overthrew the Akuffo regime and released Rawlings and his 
cohorts from prison fourteen days before the scheduled elec- 
tion. Although the SMC's pledge to return political power to 
civilian hands addressed the concerns of those who wanted 
civilian government, the young officers who had staged the 
June 4 coup insisted that issues critical to the image of the army 
and important for the stability of national politics had been 
ignored. Naomi Chazan, a leading analyst of Ghanaian politics, 
aptly assessed the significance of the 1979 coup in the follow- 
ing statement: 

Unlike the initial SMC II [the Akuffo period, 1978- 
1979] rehabilitation effort which focused on the power 
elite, this second attempt at reconstruction from a situa- 
tion of disintegration was propelled by growing alien- 
ation. It strove, by reforming the guidelines of public 
behavior, to define anew the state power structure and to 
revise its inherent social obligations. . . . 

In retrospect the most irreversible outcome of this phase 
was the systematic eradication of the SMC leadership. . . . 
[Their] executions signaled not only the termination of 
the already fallacious myth of the nonviolence of Ghana- 
ian politics, but, more to the point, the deadly serious 
determination of the new government to wipe the politi- 
cal slate clean. 

Rawlings and the young officers formed the Armed Forces 
Revolutionary Council (AFRC). The armed forces were purged 
of senior officers accused of corrupting the image of the mili- 
tary. In carrying out its goal, however, the AFRC was caught 



46 



A military shrine of an asafo company, Fante people, coastal region 
Courtesy life in general (Brook, Rose, and Cooper Le Van) 

between two groups with conflicting interests, Chazan 
observed. These included the "soldier-supporters of the AFRC 
who were happy to lash out at all manifestations of the old 
regimes; and the now organized political parties who decried 
the undue violence and advocated change with restraint." 

Despite the coup and the subsequent executions of former 
heads of military governments (Afrifa of the NLC; Acheam- 
pong and some of his associates of the NRC; and Akuffo and 
leading members of the SMC), the planned elections took 
place, and Ghana had returned to constitutional rule by the 
end of September 1979. Before power was granted to the 
elected government, however, the AFRC sent the unambiguous 
message that "people dealing with the public, in whatever 
capacity, are subject to popular supervision, must abide by fun- 
damental notions of probity, and have an obligation to put the 
good of the community above personal objective." The AFRC 
position was that the nation's political leaders, at least those 
from within the military, had not been accountable to the peo- 
ple. The administration of Hilla Limann, inaugurated on Sep- 
tember 24, 1979, at the beginning of the Third Republic, was 
thus expected to measure up to the new standard advocated by 
the AFRC. 



47 



Ghana: A Country Study 

Limann's People's National Party (PNP) began the Third 
Republic with control of only seventy-one of the 140 legislative 
seats. The opposition Popular Front Party (PFP) won forty-two 
seats, while twenty-six elective positions were distributed 
among three lesser parties. The percentage of the electorate 
that voted had fallen to 40 percent. Unlike the country's previ- 
ous elected leaders, Limann was a former diplomat and a non- 
charismatic figure with no personal following. As Limann 
himself observed, the ruling PNP included people of conflict- 
ing ideological orientations. They sometimes disagreed 
strongly among themselves on national policies. Many observ- 
ers, therefore, wondered whether the new government was 
equal to the task confronting the state. 

The most immediate threat to the Limann administration, 
however, was the AFRC, especially those officers who organized 
themselves into the 'June 4 Movement" to monitor the civilian 
administration. In an effort to keep the AFRC from looking 
over its shoulder, the government ordered Rawlings and sev- 
eral other army and police officers associated with the AFRC 
into retirement; nevertheless, Rawlings and his associates 
remained a latent threat, particularly as the economy contin- 
ued its decline. The first Limann budget, for fiscal year (FY — 
see Glossary) 1981, estimated the Ghanaian inflation rate at 70 
percent for that year, with a budget deficit equal to 30 percent 
of the gross national product (GNP — see Glossary). The Trade 
Union Congress claimed that its workers were no longer earn- 
ing enough to pay for food, much less anything else. A rash of 
strikes, many considered illegal by the government, resulted, 
each one lowering productivity and therefore national income. 
In September the government announced that all striking pub- 
lic workers would be dismissed. These factors rapidly eroded 
the limited support the Limann government enjoyed among 
civilians and soldiers. The government fell on December 31, 
1981, in another Rawlings-led coup. 

The Second Coming of Rawlings: The First Six Years, 1982-87 

The new government that took power on December 31, 
1981, was the eighth in the fifteen years since the fall of Nkru- 
mah. Calling itself the Provisional National Defence Council 
(PNDC), its membership included Rawlings as chairman, Brig- 
adier Joseph Nunoo-Mensah (whom Limann had dismissed as 
army commander), two other officers, and three civilians. 
Despite its military connections, the PNDC made clear that it 



48 



Historical Setting 



was unlike other soldier-led governments. This was immedi- 
ately proved by the appointment of fifteen civilians to cabinet 
positions. 

In a radio broadcast on January 5, 1982, Rawlings presented 
a detailed statement explaining the factors that had necessi- 
tated termination of the Third Republic. The PNDC chairman 
assured the people that he had no intention of imposing him- 
self on Ghanaians. Rather, he "wanted a chance for the people, 
farmers, workers, soldiers, the rich and the poor, to be part of 
the decision-making process." He described the two years since 
the AFRC had handed over power to a civilian government as a 
period of regression during which political parties attempted 
to divide the people in order to rule them. The ultimate pur- 
pose for the return of Rawlings was, therefore, to "restore 
human dignity to Ghanaians." In the chairman's words, the 
dedication of the PNDC to achieving its goals was different 
from any the country had ever known. It was for that reason 
that the takeover was not a military coup, but rather a "holy 
war" that would involve the people in the transformation of the 
socioeconomic structure of the society. The PNDC also served 
notice to friends and foes alike that any interference in the 
PNDC agenda would be "fiercely resisted." 

Opposition to the PNDC administration developed nonethe- 
less in different sectors of the political spectrum. The most 
obvious groups opposing the government were former PNP 
and PFP members. They argued that the Third Republic had 
not been given time to prove itself and that the PNDC adminis- 
tration was unconstitutional. Further opposition came from 
the Ghana Bar Association (GBA), which criticized the govern- 
ment's use of public tribunals in the administration of justice. 
Members of the Trade Union Congress were also angered 
when the PNDC ordered them to withdraw demands for 
increased wages. The National Union of Ghanaian Students 
(NUGS) went even further, calling on the government to hand 
over power to the attorney general, who would supervise new 
elections. 

By the end of June 1982, an attempted coup had been dis- 
covered, and those implicated had been executed. Many who 
disagreed with the PNDC administration were driven into 
exile, where they began organizing their opposition. They 
accused the government of human rights abuses and political 
intimidation, which forced the country, especially the press, 
into a "culture of silence." 



49 



Ghana: A Country Study 



Meanwhile, the PNDC was subjected to the influence of con- 
trasting political philosophies and goals. Although the revolu- 
tionary leaders agreed on the need for radical change, they 
differed on the means of achieving it. For example, John Nde- 
bugre, secretary for agriculture in the PNDC government, who 
was later appointed northern regional secretary (governor), 
belonged to the radical Kwame Nkrumah Revolutionary 
Guards, an extreme left-wing organization that advocated a 
Marxist-Leninist course for the PNDC. He was detained and 
jailed for most of the latter part of the 1980s. Other members 
of the PNDC, including Kojo Tsikata, P.V. Obeng, and Kwesi 
Botchwey, were believed to be united only by their determina- 
tion either to uplift the country from its desperate conditions 
or to protect themselves from vocal opposition. 

In keeping with Rawlings's commitment to populism as a 
political principle, the PNDC began to form governing coali- 
tions and institutions that would incorporate the populace at 
large into the machinery of the national government. Workers' 
Defence Committees (WDCs) People's Defence Committees 
(PDCs), Citizens' Vetting Committees (CVCs), Regional 
Defence Committees (RDCs), and National Defence Commit- 
tees (NDCs) were all created to ensure that those at the bottom 
of society were given the opportunity to participate in the deci- 
sion-making process. These committees were to be involved in 
community projects and community decisions, and individual 
members were expected to expose corruption and "anti-social 
activities." Public tribunals, which were established outside the 
normal legal system, were also created to try those accused of 
antigovernment acts. And a four-week workshop aimed at mak- 
ing these cadres morally and intellectually prepared for their 
part in the revolution was completed at the University of 
Ghana, Legon, in July and August 1983. 

Various opposition groups criticized the PDCs and WDCs, 
however. The aggressiveness of certain WDCs, it was argued, 
interfered with management's ability to make the bold deci- 
sions needed for the recovery of the national economy. In 
response to such criticisms, the PNDC announced on Decem- 
ber 1, 1984, the dissolution of all PDCs, WDCs, and NDCs, and 
their replacement with Committees for the Defence of the Rev- 
olution (CDRs). With regard to public boards and statutory 
corporations, excluding banks and financial institutions, Joint 
Consultative Committees (JCCs) that acted as advisory bodies 
to managing directors were created. 



50 



Historical Setting 



The public tribunals, however, despite their characterization 
as undemocratic by the GBA, were maintained. Although the 
tribunals had been established in 1982, the law providing for 
the creation of a National Public Tribunal to hear and deter- 
mine appeals from, and decisions of, regional public tribunals 
was not passed until August 1984. Section 3 and Section 10 of 
the PNDC Establishment Proclamation limited public tribunals 
to cases of a political and an economic nature. The limitations 
placed on public tribunals by the government in 1984 may 
have been an attempt by the administration to redress certain 
weaknesses. The tribunals, however, were not abolished; rather, 
they were defended as "fundamental to a good legal system" 
that needed to be maintained in response to "growing legal 
consciousness on the part of the people." 

At the time when the foundations of these sociopolitical 
institutions were being laid, the PNDC was also engaged in a 
debate about how to finance the reconstruction of the national 
economy. The country had indeed suffered from what some 
described as the excessive and unwise, if not foolish, expendi- 
tures of the Nkrumah regime. The degree of decline under the 
NRC and the SMC had also been devastating. By December 
1981, when the PNDC came to power, the inflation rate topped 
200 percent, while real GDP had declined by 3 percent per 
annum for seven years. Not only cocoa production but even 
diamonds and timber exports had dropped dramatically. Gold 
production had also fallen to half its preindependence level. 

Ghana's sorry economic condition, according to the PNDC, 
had resulted in part from the absence of good political leader- 
ship. In fact, as early as the AFRC administration in 1979, Rawl- 
ings and his associates had accused three former military 
leaders (generals Afrifa, Acheampong, and Akuffo) of corrup- 
tion and greed and of thereby contributing to the national cri- 
sis and had executed them on the basis of this accusation. In 
other words, the AFRC in 1979 attributed the national crisis to 
internal, primarily political, causes. The overthrow of the 
Limann administration by the PNDC in 1981 was an attempt to 
prevent another inept administration from aggravating an 
already bad economic situation. By implication, the way to 
resolve some of the problems was to stabilize the political situa- 
tion and to improve the economic conditions of the nation rad- 
ically. 

At the end of its first year in power, the PNDC announced a 
four-year program of economic austerity and sacrifice that was 



51 



Ghana: A Country Study 

to be the first phase of an Economic Recovery Program (ERP). 
If the economy were to improve significantly, there was need 
for a large injection of capital — a resource that could only be 
obtained from international financial institutions of the West. 
There were those on the PNDC's ideological left, however, who 
rejected consultation with such agencies because these institu- 
tions were blamed in part for the nation's predicament. Pre- 
cisely because some members of the government also held 
such views, the PNDC secretary for finance and economic plan- 
ning, Kwesi Botchwey, felt the need to justify World Bank (see 
Glossary) assistance to Ghana in 1983: 

It would be naive and unrealistic for certain sections of 
the Ghanaian society to think that the request for eco- 
nomic assistance from the World Bank and its affiliates 
means a sell-out of the aims and objectives of the Ghana- 
ian revolution to the international community. ... It does 
not make sense for the country to become a member of 
the bank and the IMF and continue to pay its dues only to 
decline to utilize the resources of these two institutions. 

The PNDC recognized that it could not depend on friendly 
nations such as Libya to address the economic problems of 
Ghana. The magnitude of the crisis — made worse by wide- 
spread bush fires that devastated crop production in 1983-84 
and by the return of more than one million Ghanaians who 
had been expelled from Nigeria in 1983, which had intensified 
the unemployment situation — called for monetary assistance 
from institutions with more resources. 

Phase One of the ERP began in 1983. Its goal was economic 
stability. In broad terms, the government wanted to reduce 
inflation and to create confidence in the nation's ability to 
recover. By 1987 progress was clearly evident. The rate of infla- 
tion had dropped to 20 percent, and between 1983 and 1987, 
Ghana's economy reportedly grew at 6 percent per year. Offi- 
cial assistance from donor countries to Ghana's recovery pro- 
gram averaged US$430 million in 1987, more than double that 
of the preceding years. The PNDC administration also made a 
remarkable payment of more than US$500 million in loan 
arrears dating to before 1966. In recognition of these achieve- 
ments, international agencies had pledged more than US$575 
million to the country's future programs by May 1987. With 
these accomplishments in place, the PNDC inaugurated Phase 
Two of the ERP, which envisioned privatization of state-owned 



52 



Historical Setting 



assets, currency devaluation, and increased savings and invest- 
ment, and which was to continue until 1990. 

Notwithstanding the successes of Phase One of the ERP, 
many problems remained, and both friends and foes of the 
PNDC were quick to point them out. One commentator noted 
the high rate of Ghanaian unemployment as a result of the 
belt-tightening policies of the PNDC. In the absence of employ- 
ment or redeployment policies to redress such problems, he 
wrote, the effects of the austerity programs might create cir- 
cumstances that could derail the PNDC recovery agenda. 

Unemployment was only one aspect of the political prob- 
lems facing the PNDC government; another was the size and 
breadth of the PNDCs political base. The PNDC initially 
espoused a populist program that appealed to a wide variety of 
rural and urban constituents. Even so, the PNDC was the object 
of significant criticism from various groups that in one way or 
another called for a return to constitutional government. 
Much of this criticism came from student organizations, the 
GBA, and opposition groups in self-imposed exile, who ques- 
tioned the legitimacy of the military government and its 
declared intention of returning the country to constitutional 
rule. So vocal was the outcry against the PNDC that it appeared 
on the surface as if the PNDC enjoyed little support among 
those groups who had historically molded and influenced Gha- 
naian public opinion. At a time when difficult policies were 
being implemented, the PNDC could ill afford the continued 
alienation and opposition of such prominent critics. 

By the mid-1980s, therefore, it had become essential that the 
PNDC demonstrate that it was actively considering steps toward 
constitutionalism and civilian rule. This was true notwithstand- 
ing the recognition of Rawlings as an honest leader and the 
perception that the situation he was trying to redress was not of 
his creation. To move in the desired direction, the PNDC 
needed to weaken the influence and credibility of all antago- 
nistic groups while it created the necessary political structures 
that would bring more and more Ghanaians into the process of 
national reconstruction. The PNDC's solution to its dilemma 
was the proposal for district assemblies. 

The District Assemblies 

Although the National Commission for Democracy (NCD) 
had existed as an agency of the PNDC since 1982, it was not 
until September 1984 that Justice Daniel F. Annan, himself a 



53 



Ghana: A Country Study 

member of the ruling council, was appointed chairman. The 
official inauguration of the NCD in January 1985 signaled 
PNDC determination to move the nation in a new political 
direction. According to its mandate, the NCD was to devise a 
viable democratic system, utilizing public discussions. Annan 
explained the necessity for the commission's work by arguing 
that the political party system of the past had lost track of the 
country's socio-economic development processes. There was 
the need, therefore, to search for a new political order that 
would be functionally democratic. Constitutional rules of the 
past, Annan continued, were not acceptable to the new revolu- 
tionary spirit, which saw the old political order as using the bal- 
lot box "merely to ensure that politicians got elected into 
power, after which communication between the electorate and 
their elected representative completely broke down." 

After two years of deliberations and public hearings, the 
NCD recommended the formation of district assemblies as 
local governing institutions that would offer opportunities to 
the ordinary person to become involved in the political pro- 
cess. The PNDC scheduled elections of the proposed assem- 
blies for the last quarter of 1988. 

If, as Rawlings said, the PNDC revolution was a "holy war," 
then the proposed assemblies were part of a PNDC policy 
intended to annihilate enemy forces or, at least, to reduce 
them to impotence. The strategy was to deny the opposition a 
legitimate political forum within which it could articulate its 
objections to the government. It was for this reason, as much as 
it was for those stated by Annan, that a five-member District 
Assembly Committee was created in each of the nation's 110 
administrative districts and was charged by the NCD with 
ensuring that all candidates followed electoral rules. The dis- 
trict committees were to disqualify automatically any candidate 
who had a record of criminal activity, insanity, or imprisonment 
involving fraud or electoral offenses in the past, especially after 
1979. Also barred from elections were all professionals accused 
of fraud, dishonesty, and malpractice. The ban on political par- 
ties, instituted at the time of the Rawlings coup, was to con- 
tinue. 

By barring candidates associated with corruption and mis- 
management of national resources from running for district 
assembly positions, the PNDC hoped to establish new values to 
govern political behavior in Ghana. To do so effectively, the 
government also made it illegal for candidates to mount cam- 



54 



Makola Market, the largest market in Accra 
Courtesy life in general (Brook, Rose, and Cooper Le Van) 

paign platforms other than the one defined by the NCD. Every 
person qualified to vote in the district could propose candi- 
dates or be nominated as a candidate. Candidates could not be 
nominated by organizations and associations but had to run 
for district office on the basis of personal qualifications and ser- 
vice to their communities. 

Once in session, an assembly was to become the highest 
political authority in each district. Assembly members were to 
be responsible for deliberation, evaluation, coordination, and 
implementation of programs accepted as appropriate for the 
district's economic development; however, district assemblies 
were to be subject to the general guidance and direction of the 
central government. To ensure that district developments were 
in line with national policies, one-third of assembly members 
were to be traditional authorities (chiefs) or their representa- 
tives; these members were to be approved by the PNDC in con- 
sultation with the traditional authorities and other "productive 
economic groups in the district." In other words, a degree of 
autonomy may have been granted to the assemblies in the 
determination of programs most suited to the districts, but the 
PNDC left itself with the ultimate responsibility of making sure 



55 



Ghana: A Country Study 



that such programs were in line with the national economic 
recovery program. 

District assemblies as outlined in PNDC documents were 
widely discussed by friends and foes of the government. Some 
hailed the proposal as compatible with the goal of granting the 
people opportunities to manage their own affairs, but others 
(especially those of the political right) accused the government 
of masking its intention to remain in power. If the govern- 
ment's desire for democracy were genuine, a timetable for 
national elections should have been its priority rather than the 
preoccupation with local government, they argued. Some ques- 
tioned the wisdom of incorporating traditional chiefs and the 
degree to which these traditional leaders would be committed 
to the district assembly idea, while others attacked the election 
guidelines as undemocratic and, therefore, as contributing to a 
culture of silence in Ghana. To such critics, the district assem- 
blies were nothing but a move by the PNDC to consolidate its 
position. 

Rawlings, however, responded to such criticism by restating 
the PNDC strategy and the rationale behind it: 

Steps towards more formal political participation are 
being taken through the district-level elections that we 
will be holding throughout the country as part of our 
decentralisation policy. As I said in my nationwide broad- 
cast on December 31, if we are to see a sturdy tree of 
democracy grow, we need to learn from the past and nur- 
ture very carefully and deliberately political institutions 
that will become the pillars upon which the people's 
power will be erected. A new sense of responsibility must 
be created in each workplace, each village, each district; 
we already see elements of this in the work of the CDRs, 
the 31st December Women's Movement, the June 4 
Movement, Town and Village Development Committees, 
and other organizations through which the voice of the 
people is being heard. 

As for the categorization of certain PNDC policies as "leftist" 
and "rightist," Rawlings dismissed such allegations as "remark- 
ably simplistic. . . . What is certain is that we are moving for- 
wardl" For the PNDC, therefore, the district elections 
constituted an obvious first step in a political process that was 
to culminate at the national level. 



56 



Historical Setting 



Rawlings's explanation notwithstanding, various opposition 
groups continued to describe the PNDC-proposed district 
assemblies as a mere public relations ploy designed to give 
political legitimacy to a government that had come to power by 
unconstitutional means. Longtime observers of the Ghanaian 
political scene, however, identified two major issues at stake in 
the conflict between the government and its critics: the means 
by which political stability was to be achieved, and the problem 
of attaining sustained economic growth. Both had preoccupied 
the country since the era of Nkrumah. The economic recovery 
programs implemented by the PNDC in 1983 and the proposal 
for district assemblies in 1987 were major elements in the gov- 
ernment's strategy to address these fundamental and persistent 
problems. Both were very much part of the national debate in 
Ghana in the late 1980s. 

* * * 

Ghana, formerly the Gold Coast, was not a distinct entity 
until late in the nineteenth century. Its history before the 
arrival of the Europeans and even after the consolidation of 
British colonial rule must be studied as a part of the history of 
the portion of West Africa extending from Sierra Leone to 
Nigeria and northward into the Sahara. This is the region from 
which came the people and the social and political organiza- 
tions that most influenced Ghanaians. Peoples and Empires of 
West Africa, 1000-1800by G.T. Stride and Caroline Ifeka gives a 
rich view of this period, with adequate attention to the future 
Ghana. So does the classic treatment by J.D. Fage in his A His- 
tory of West Africa: An Introductory Survey. Robert Lystad's The 
Ashanti and Ivor Wilks's Asante in the Nineteenth Century: The 
Structure and Evolution of a Political Order both provide a compre- 
hensive look at the history of the most influential of the purely 
Ghanaian kingdoms, without which an understanding of later 
Ghanaian history would be impossible. For the years of Euro- 
pean commercial activities on the Guinea Coast, see Arnold 
Walter Lawrence's Trade, Castles, and Forts of West Africa and also 
his Fortified Trade-posts: The English in West Africa, 1645-1822. 
Other supplementary readings on the period can be found in 
works by Kwame Arhin, A. Adu Boahen, Nehemia Levtzion, 
Michael Crowder, and John K. Fynn. 



57 



Ghana: A Country Study 

Military readers may enjoy Paul Mmegha Mbaeyi's British 
Military and Naval Forces in West African History, 1807-1874, 
which provides an interesting view of the introductory years of 
colonial rule. The third part of William M. Hailey's Native 
Administration in the British African Territories provides exhaustive 
detail on the colonial period, while R.E. Wraith's Guggisberg is a 
fine description of an era when colonial policy could even have 
been defined as progressive. For information on the ending of 
British rule and the birth of nationalism, David E. Apter's The 
Gold Coast in Transition (revised and reprinted as Ghana in Tran- 
sition) still provides an outstanding assessment. There are many 
books, polemic and scholarly, on the Nkrumah years. Peter T. 
Omari's Kwame Nkrumah: Anatomy of an African Dictatorship is 
most often cited. See also Bob Beck Fitch and Mary Oppenhe- 
imer's Ghana: End of an Illusion. Among the most valuable 
sources on what Ghana faced in the post-Nkrumah era are 
those by Deborah Pellow, Naomi Chazan, Maxwell Owusu, and 
Kwame Ninsin. (For further information and complete cita- 
tions, see Bibliography.) 



58 



Chapter 2. The Society and Its Environment 




An akuaba (fertility doll) (Asante) 



GHANA, FORMERLYTHE BRITISH colony of the Gold Coast, 
lies on the West African coast, just north of the equator. Its 
warm, humid climate is typical of the tropics. Ghana covers an 
area of approximately 239,000 square kilometers, much of it 
drained by the Volta River system. The population speaks lan- 
guages that belong to the Kwa and Gur subfamilies of the 
Niger-Congo language group and is divided into more than 
100 linguistic and cultural units. Ghana's population, as in 
most sub-Saharan African countries, consists of urban and 
rural workers, herders, traders, and fishermen. Matrilineal, 
patrilineal, and double-descent systems of social organization 
as well as villages and chiefdoms contribute to the national 
mosaic. 

The precolonial social systems to which Ghanaians belonged 
consisted of both non-stratified and highly stratified societies. 
Virtually without exception, however, their organizing princi- 
ples were based on locality, kinship/family, and clan structures. 
This is still true in the mid-1990s. Chiefs, who may be influen- 
tial on the national level, were and still are selected from senior 
members of the lineages that are considered to have been 
among the founders of the community or ethnic group. Mem- 
bership in a chiefly lineage carries some prestige. 

Ghana's precolonial social order, in which kinship, lineage, 
and locality provided the framework of social, political, reli- 
gious, and economic organization, has been undergoing pro- 
found change since before the colonial era. The 
modernization of Ghanaian economic, social, and political life 
intensified with independence in 1957. Fundamental to this 
change were improvements in communications and infrastruc- 
ture, urbanization, the growth of the export and cash-crop 
economy, and the expansion of Western education. To acceler- 
ate the pace of modernization, the Education Act of 1960 
made formal instruction both free and compulsory, but atti- 
tudes toward change varied from group to group. For example, 
in certain areas, especially in the north, compulsory education 
was not welcomed because it took children away from homes 
that depended on their labor in the fields. Although the bene- 
fits of education are understood today, the percentage of 
female enrollment in secondary and tertiary institutions of 



61 



Ghana: A Country Study 

higher learning has remained disproportionately low in rela- 
tion to the number of women in the general population. 

As Ghana's population swelled from about 6.7 million in 
1960 to 8.5 million in 1970 to an estimated 17.2 million in 
1994, the central government found it increasingly difficult to 
bring about improvements in the standard of living at the same 
time that population growth threatened to outstrip food pro- 
duction and economic growth. The issue of effective family 
planning also required attention and resources, and the pres- 
ence of acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS) 
alarmed the medical community and the Ghanaian population 
alike. Although the ancestral extended family served as an 
effective mutual aid group in the rural areas, many village com- 
munities lacked modern amenities. In urban centers, housing 
shortages continued to be a major problem.Women's associa- 
tions, such as the National Council on Women and Develop- 
ment, became a force for change, demanding educational and 
economic opportunities denied under indigenous and colonial 
rulers. 

In the 1980s, the governing Provisional National Defence 
Council tried to address the nation's education problems by 
introducing a system that emphasized vocational and technical 
training for all students. A rural electrification program was 
also initiated. At the same time, village- and community-based 
primary care organizations enhanced child-care and nutri- 
tional programs aimed at illiterate mothers and those who held 
traditional notions about marital relations. Although it is diffi- 
cult to evaluate the effectiveness of these programs in the short 
term, at least some major problems have been recognized and 
steps have been taken to deal with them. The success of such 
programs, however, depends on the extent to which indige- 
nous and modern institutions and cultural values are balanced 
and, especially, on the manner in which conflict is resolved. 

Physical Setting 

Location and Size 

Ghana, which lies in the center of the West African coast, 
shares borders with the three French-speaking nations of Cote 
dTvoire to the west, Togo to the east, and Burkina Faso 
(Burkina, formerly Upper Volta) to the north. To the south are 
the Gulf of Guinea and the Atlantic Ocean. 



62 



The Society and Its Environment 



With a total area of 238,533 square kilometers, Ghana is 
about the size of Britain. Its southernmost coast at Cape Three 
Points is 4° 30' north of the equator. From here, the country 
extends inland for some 670 kilometers to about 11° north. 
The distance across the widest part, between longitude 1° 12' 
east and longitude 3° 15' west, measures about 560 kilometers. 
The Greenwich Meridian, which passes through London, also 
traverses the eastern part of Ghana at Tema. 

Geographical Regions 

Ghana is characterized in general by low physical relief. 
Indeed, the Precambrian rock system that underlies most of 
the nation has been worn down by erosion almost to a plain. 
The highest elevation in Ghana, Mount Afadjato in the 
Akwapim-Togo Ranges, rises only 880 meters above sea level. 

There are, nonetheless, five distinct geographical regions. 
Low plains stretch across the southern part of the country. To 
their north lie three regions — the Ashanti Uplands, the 
Akwapim-Togo Ranges, and the Volta Basin. The fifth region, 
the high plains, occupies the northern and northwestern sec- 
tor of the country (see fig. 4). Like most West African coun- 
tries, Ghana has no natural harbors. Because strong surf 
pounds the shoreline, two artificial harbors were built at Tako- 
radi and Tema (the latter completed in 1961) to accommodate 
Ghana's shipping needs. 

The Low Plains 

The low plains comprise the four subregions of the coastal 
savanna, the Volta Delta, the Accra Plains, and the Akan Low- 
lands. A narrow strip of grassy and scrubby coast runs from a 
point near Takoradi in the west to the Togo border in the east. 
This coastal savanna, only about eight kilometers in width at its 
western end, stretches eastward through the Accra Plains, 
where it widens to more than eighty kilometers, and terminates 
at the southeastern corner of the country at the lower end of 
the Akwapim-Togo Ranges. 

Almost flat and featureless, the Accra Plains descend gradu- 
ally to the gulf from a height of about 150 meters. The topogra- 
phy east of the city of Accra is marked by a succession of ridges 
and spoon-shaped valleys. The hills and slopes in this area are 
the favored lands for cultivation. Shifting cultivation is the 
usual agricultural practice because of the swampy nature of the 
very low-lying areas during the rainy seasons and the periodic 



63 



Ghana: A Country Study 

blocking of the rivers at the coast by sandbars that form 
lagoons. A plan to irrigate higher elevations of the Accra Plains 
was announced in 1984. Should this plan come to reality, much 
of the area could be opened to large-scale cultivation. 

To the west of Accra, the low plains contain wider valleys and 
rounded low hills, with occasional rocky headlands. In general, 
however, the land is flat and covered with grass and scrub. 
Dense groves of coconut palms front the coastline. Several 
commercial centers, including Winneba, Saltpond, and Gape 
Coast, are located here. Although Winneba has a small live- 
stock industry and palm tree cultivation is expanding in the 
area away from the coast, the predominant occupation of the 
coastal inhabitants is fishing by dug-out canoe. 

The Volta Delta, which forms a distinct subregion of the low 
plains, extends into the Gulf of Guinea in the extreme south- 
east. The delta's rock formation — consisting of thick layers of 
sandstone, some limestone, and silt deposits — is flat, feature- 
less, and relatively young. As the delta grew outward over the 
centuries, sandbars developed across the mouths of the Volta 
and smaller rivers that empty into the gulf in the same area, 
forming numerous lagoons, some quite large, making road 
construction difficult. To avoid the lowest-lying areas, for exam- 
ple, the road between Accra and Keta makes an unusual detour 
inland just before reaching Ada and finally approaches Keta 
from the east along the narrow spit on which the town stands. 
This notwithstanding, road links with Keta continue to be a 
problem. By 1989 it was estimated that more than 3,000 houses 
in the town had been swallowed by flooding from the lagoon. 
In addition, about 1,500 other houses were destroyed by ero- 
sion caused by the powerful waves of the sea. 

Ironically, it is this flat, silt-composed delta region with its 
abundance of water that supports shallot, corn, and cassava cul- 
tivation in the region. Moreover, the sandy soil of the delta gave 
rise to the copra industry. Salt-making, from the plentiful sup- 
ply in the dried beds of the lagoons, provides additional 
employment. The main occupation of the delta people, how- 
ever, continues to be fishing, an industry that supplies dried 
and salted fish to other parts of the country. 

The largest part of the low plains is the Akan Lowlands. 
Some experts prefer to classify this region as a subdivision of 
the Ashanti Uplands because of the many characteristics they 
share. Unlike the uplands, however, the height of the Akan 
Lowlands is generally between sea level and 150 meters. Some 



64 



The Society and Its Environment 



ranges and hills rise to about 300 meters, but few exceed 600 
meters. The lowlands that lie to the south of the Ashanti 
Uplands receive the many rivers that make their way to the sea. 

The Akan Lowlands contain the basins of the Densu River, 
the Pra River, the Ankobra River, and the Tano River, all of 
which play important roles in the economy of Ghana. The 
Densu River Basin, location of the important urban centers of 
Koforidua and Nsawam in the eastern lowlands, has an undu- 
lating topography. Many of the hills here have craggy summits, 
which give a striking appearance to the landscape. The upper 
section of the Pra River Basin, to the west of the Densu, is rela- 
tively flat; the topography of its lower reaches, however, resem- 
bles that of the Densu Basin and the area is a rich cocoa and 
food-producing region. The valley of the Birim River, one of 
the main tributaries of the Pra, is the country's most important 
diamond-producing area. 

The Ankobra River Basin and the middle and lower basins of 
the Tano River to the west of the lowlands form the largest sub- 
division of the Akan Lowlands. Here annual rainfall between 
1,500 and 2,150 millimeters helps assure a dense forest cover. 
In addition to timber, the area is rich in minerals. The Tarkwa 
goldfield, the diamond operations of the Bonsa Valley, and 
high-grade manganese deposits are all found in this area. The 
middle and lower Tano basins have been intensely explored for 
oil and natural gas since the mid-1980s. The lower basins of the 
Pra, Birim, Densu, and Ankobra rivers are also sites for palm 
tree cultivation. 

Ashanti Uplands 

Comprising the Southern Ashanti Uplands and the Kwahu 
Plateau, the Ashanti Uplands lie just north of the Akan Low- 
lands and stretch from the Cote d'lvoire border in the west to 
the elevated edge of the Volta Basin in the east. Stretching in a 
northwest-to-southeast direction, the Kwahu Plateau extends 
193 kilometers between Koforidua in the east and Wenchi in 
the northwest. The average elevation of the plateau is about 
450 meters, rising to a maximum of 762 meters. The relatively 
cool temperatures of the plateau were attractive to Europeans, 
particularly missionaries, who founded many well-known 
schools and colleges in this region. 

The plateau forms one of the important physical divides in 
Ghana. From its northeastern slopes, the Afram and Pru rivers 
flow into the Volta River, while from the opposite side, the Pra, 



67 




Figure 4. Topography and Drainage 



66 



The Society and Its Environment 



ranges and hills rise to about 300 meters, but few exceed 600 
meters. The lowlands that lie to the south of the Ashanti 
Uplands receive the many rivers that make their way to the sea. 

The Akan Lowlands contain the basins of the Densu River, 
the Pra River, the Ankobra River, and the Tano River, all of 
which play important roles in the economy of Ghana. The 
Densu River Basin, location of the important urban centers of 
Koforidua and Nsawam in the eastern lowlands, has an undu- 
lating topography. Many of the hills here have craggy summits, 
which give a striking appearance to the landscape. The upper 
section of the Pra River Basin, to the west of the Densu, is rela- 
tively flat; the topography of its lower reaches, however, resem- 
bles that of the Densu Basin and the area is a rich cocoa and 
food-producing region. The valley of the Birim River, one of 
the main tributaries of the Pra, is the country's most important 
diamond-producing area. 

The Ankobra River Basin and the middle and lower basins of 
the Tano River to the west of the lowlands form the largest sub- 
division of the Akan Lowlands. Here annual rainfall between 
1,500 and 2,150 millimeters helps assure a dense forest cover. 
In addition to timber, the area is rich in minerals. The Tarkwa 
goldfield, the diamond operations of the Bonsa Valley, and 
high-grade manganese deposits are all found in this area. The 
middle and lower Tano basins have been intensely explored for 
oil and natural gas since the mid-1980s. The lower basins of the 
Pra, Birim, Densu, and Ankobra rivers are also sites for palm 
tree cultivation. 

Ashanti Uplands 

Comprising the Southern Ashanti Uplands and the Kwahu 
Plateau, the Ashanti Uplands lie just north of the Akan Low- 
lands and stretch from the Cote d'lvoire border in the west to 
the elevated edge of the Volta Basin in the east. Stretching in a 
northwest-to-southeast direction, the Kwahu Plateau extends 
193 kilometers between Koforidua in the east and Wenchi in 
the northwest. The average elevation of the plateau is about 
450 meters, rising to a maximum of 762 meters. The relatively 
cool temperatures of the plateau were attractive to Europeans, 
particularly missionaries, who founded many well-known 
schools and colleges in this region. 

The plateau forms one of the important physical divides in 
Ghana. From its northeastern slopes, the Afram and Pru rivers 
flow into the Volta River, while from the opposite side, the Pra, 



67 



Ghana: A Country Study 

Birim, Ofin, Tano, and other rivers flow south toward the sea. 
The plateau also marks the northernmost limit of the forest 
zone. Although large areas of the forest cover have been 
destroyed through farming, enough deciduous forest remains 
to shade the headwaters of the rivers that flow from the pla- 
teau. 

The Southern Ashanti Uplands, extending from the foot of 
the Kwahu Plateau in the north to the lowlands in the south, 
slope gently from an elevation of about 300 meters in the north 
to about 150 meters in the south. The region, however, con- 
tains several hills and ranges as well as several towns of histori- 
cal and economic importance, including Kumasi, Ghana's 
second largest city and former capital of the Asante (also seen 
as Ashanti — see Glossary) empire (see The Precolonial Period, 
ch. 1). Obuasi and Konongo, two of the country's gold-mining 
centers, are also located here. The region is the country's chief 
producer of cocoa, and its tropical forests continue to be a vital 
source of timber for the lumber industry. 

Akivapim-Togo Ranges 

The Akwapim-Togo Ranges in the eastern part of the coun- 
try consist of a generally rugged complex of folded strata, with 
many prominent heights composed of volcanic rock. The 
ranges begin west of Accra and continue in a northeasterly 
direction, finally crossing the frontier into Togo. 

In their southeastern part, the ranges are bisected by a deep, 
narrow gorge cut by the Volta River. The head of this gorge is 
the site of the Akosombo Dam, which impounds the river to 
form Lake Volta. The ranges south of the gorge form the 
Akwapim section of the mountains. The average elevation in 
this section is about 450 meters, and the valleys are generally 
deep and relatively narrow. North of the gorge, for about 
eighty kilometers, the Togo section has broader valleys and low 
ridges. Beyond this point, the folding becomes more complex 
and heights increase greatly, with several peaks rising more 
than 610 meters above sea level. The country's highest point, 
Mount Afadjato, is located in this area. 

The ranges are largely covered with deciduous forests, and 
their higher elevation provides a relatively cooler, pleasant cli- 
mate. Small-scale subsistence farming is typical in the ranges. 
In addition to the cultivation of rice and other staples, coffee 
plantations are found in the Togo section of the ranges. 



68 



The Society and Its Environment 



Volta Basin 

Occupying the central part of Ghana, the Volta Basin covers 
about 45 percent of the nation's total land surface. Its northern 
section, which lies above the upper part of Lake Volta, rises to a 
height of 150 to 215 meters above sea level. Elevations of the 
Konkori Scarp to the west and the Gambaga Scarp to the north 
reach from 300 to 460 meters. To the south and the southwest, 
the basin is less than 300 meters. The Kwahu Plateau marks the 
southern end of the basin, although it forms a natural part of 
the Ashanti Uplands. 

The basin is characterized by poor soil, generally of Voltaian 
sandstone. Annual rainfall averages between 1,000 and 1,140 
millimeters. The most widespread vegetation type is savanna, 
the woodlands of which, depending on local soil and climatic 
conditions, may contain such trees as Red Ironwood and Shea. 

The basin's population, principally made up of farmers, is 
low in density, especially in the central and northwestern areas, 
where tsetse flies are common. Archaeological finds indicate, 
however, that the region was once more heavily populated. 
Periodic burning evidently occurred over extensive areas for 
perhaps more than a millennium, exposing the soil to excessive 
drying and erosion, rendering the area less attractive to cultiva- 
tors. 

In contrast with the rest of the region are the Afram Plains, 
located in the southeastern corner of the basin. Here the ter- 
rain is low, averaging 60 to 150 meters in elevation, and annual 
rainfall is between 1,140 and about 1,400 millimeters. Near the 
Afram River, much of the surrounding countryside is flooded 
or swampy during the rainy seasons. With the construction of 
Lake Volta (8,515 hectares in surface area) in the mid-1960s, 
much of the Afram Plains was submerged. Despite the con- 
struction of roads to connect communities displaced by the 
lake, road transportation in the region remains poor. Renewed 
efforts to improve communications, to enhance agricultural 
production, and to improve standards of living began in ear- 
nest only in the mid-1980s. 

The High Plains 

The general terrain in the northern and northwestern part 
of Ghana outside the Volta Basin consists of a dissected plateau, 
which averages between 150 and 300 meters in elevation and, 
in some places, is even higher. Rainfall averages between 1,000 
and 1,150 millimeters annually, although in the northwest it is 



69 



Ghana: A Country Study 

closer to 1,350 millimeters. Soils in the high plains are more 
arable than those in the Volta Basin, and the population den- 
sity is considerably higher. Grain and cattle production is the 
major economic activity in the high plains of the northern 
region. Since the mid-1980s, when former United States Presi- 
dent Jimmy Carter's Global 2000 program (see Glossary) 
adopted Ghana as one of a select number of African countries 
whose local farmers were to be educated and financially sup- 
ported to improve agricultural production, there has been a 
dramatic increase in grain production in northern Ghana. The 
virtual absence of tsetse flies in the region has led, moreover, to 
increased livestock raising as a major occupation in the north. 
In fact, the region is the country's largest producer of cattle. 

Rivers and Lakes 

Ghana is drained by a large number of streams and rivers. In 
addition, there are a number of coastal lagoons, the huge man- 
made Lake Volta, and Lake Bosumtwi, southeast of Kumasi, 
which has no outlet to the sea. In the wetter south and south- 
west areas of Ghana, the river and stream pattern is denser, but 
in the area north of the Kwahu Plateau, the pattern is much 
more open, making access to water more difficult. Several 
streams and rivers also dry up or experience reduced flow dur- 
ing the dry seasons of the year, while flooding during the rainy 
seasons is common. 

The major drainage divide runs from the southwestern part 
of the Akwapim-Togo Ranges northwest through the Kwahu 
Plateau and then irregularly westward to the Cote d'lvoire bor- 
der. Almost all the rivers and streams north of this divide form 
part of the Volta system. Extending about 1,600 kilometers in 
length and draining an area of about 388,000 square kilome- 
ters, of which about 158,000 square kilometers lie within 
Ghana, the Volta and its tributaries, such as the Afram River 
and the Oti River, drain more than two-thirds of the country. 
To the south of the divide are several smaller, independent riv- 
ers. The most important of these are the Pra River, the Tano 
River, the Ankobra River, the Birim River, and the Densu River. 
With the exception of smaller streams that dry up in the dry 
seasons or rivers that empty into inland lakes, all the major riv- 
ers in the country flow into the Gulf of Guinea directly or serve 
as tributaries to other major rivers. The Ankobra and Tano are 
navigable for considerable distances in their lower reaches. 



70 



The Society and Its Environment 



Navigation on the Volta River has changed significantly since 
1964. Construction of the dam at Akosombo, about eighty kilo- 
meters upstream from the coast, created vast Lake Volta and 
the associated 768,000-kilowatt hydroelectric project. Arms of 
the lake extend into the lower-lying areas, forcing the reloca- 
tion of 78,000 people to newly created townships on the lake's 
higher banks. The Black Volta River and the White Volta River 
flow separately into the lake. Before their confluence was sub- 
merged, the rivers came together in the middle of the country 
to form the main Volta River. The Oti River and the Daka River, 
the principal tributaries of the Volta in the eastern part of the 
country, and the Pru River, the Sene River, and the Afram 
River, major tributaries to the north of the Kawhu Plateau, also 
empty into flooded extensions of the lake in their river valleys. 
Lake Volta is a rich source of fish, and its potential as a source 
for irrigation is reflected in an agricultural mechanization 
agreement signed in the late 1980s to irrigate the Afram Plains. 
The lake is navigable from Akosombo through Yeji in the mid- 
dle of the country; a twenty-four-meter pontoon was commis- 
sioned in 1989 to link the Afram Plains to the west of the lake 
with the lower Volta region to the east. Hydroelectricity gener- 
ated from Akosombo supplies Ghana, Togo, and Benin. 

On the other side of the Kwahu Plateau from Lake Volta are 
several river systems, including the Pra, Ankobra, Tano and 
Densu. The Pra is the easternmost and the largest of the three 
principal rivers that drain the area south of the Volta divide. 
Rising south of the Kwahu Plateau and flowing southward, the 
Pra enters the Gulf of Guinea east of Takoradi. In the early part 
of the twentieth century, the Pra was used extensively to float 
timber to the coast for export. This trade is now carried by 
road and rail transportation. 

The Ankobra, which flows to the west of the Pra, has a rela- 
tively small drainage basin. It rises in the hilly region of Bibiani 
and flows in a southerly direction to enter the gulf just west of 
Axim. Small craft can navigate approximately eighty kilometers 
inland from its mouth. At one time, the Ankobra helped trans- 
port machinery to the gold-mining areas in the vicinity of 
Tarkwa. The Tano, which is the westernmost of the three rivers, 
rises near Techiman in the center of the country. It also flows 
in a southerly direction, but it empties into a lagoon in the 
southeastern corner of Cote dTvoire. Navigation by steam 
launch is possible on the southern sector of the Tano for about 
seventy kilometers. 



71 



Ghana: A Country Study 

A number of rivers are found to the east of the Pra. The two 
most important are the Densu and Ayensu, which are major 
sources of water for Accra and Winneba, respectively. The 
country has one large natural lake, Lake Bosumtwi, located 
about thirty-two kilometers southeast of Kumasi. It occupies 
the steep-sided caldera of a former volcano and has an area of 
about forty-seven square kilometers. A number of small streams 
flow into Lake Bosumtwi, but there is no drainage from it. In 
addition to providing an opportunity for fishing for local 
inhabitants, the lake serves as a tourist attraction. 

Climate 

The country's warm, humid climate has an annual mean 
temperature between 26°G and 29°C. Variations in the princi- 
pal elements of temperature, rainfall, and humidity that gov- 
ern the climate are influenced by the movement and 
interaction of the dry tropical continental air mass, or the har- 
mattan, which blows from the northeast across the Sahara, and 
the opposing tropical maritime or moist equatorial system. The 
cycle of the seasons follows the apparent movement of the sun 
back and forth across the equator. 

During summer in the northern hemisphere, a warm and 
moist maritime air mass intensifies and pushes northward 
across the country. A low-pressure belt, or intertropical front, 
in the airmass brings warm air, rain, and prevailing winds from 
the southwest. As the sun returns south across the equator, the 
dry, dusty, tropical continental front, or harmattan, prevails. 

Climatic conditions across the country are hardly uniform. 
The Kwahu Plateau, which marks the northernmost extent of 
the forest area, also serves as an important climatic divide. To 
its north, two distinct seasons occur. The harmattan season, 
with its dry, hot days and relatively cool nights from November 
to late March or April, is followed by a wet period that reaches 
its peak in late August or September. To the south and south- 
west of the Kwahu Plateau, where the annual mean rainfall 
from north to south ranges from 1,250 millimeters to 2,150 
millimeters, four separate seasons occur. Heavy rains fall from 
about April through late June. After a relatively short dry 
period in August, another rainy season begins in September 
and lasts through November, before the longer harmattan sea- 
son sets in to complete the cycle. 

The extent of drought and rainfall varies across the country. 
To the south of the Kwahu Plateau, the heaviest rains occur in 



72 



The Society and Its Environment 



the Axim area in the southwest corner of Ghana. Farther to the 
north, Kumasi receives an average annual rainfall of about 
1,400 millimeters, while Tamale in the drier northern savanna 
receives rainfall of 1,000 millimeters per year. From Takoradi 
eastward to the Accra Plains, including the lower Volta region, 
rainfall averages only 750 millimeters to 1,000 millimeters a 
year. 

Temperatures are usually high at all times of the year 
throughout the country. At higher elevations, temperatures are 
more comfortable. In the far north, temperature highs of 31°C 
are common. The southern part of the country is characterized 
by generally humid conditions. This is particularly so during 
the night, when 95 to 100 percent humidity is possible. Humid 
conditions also prevail in the northern section of the country 
during the rainy season. During the harmattan season, how- 
ever, humidity drops as low as 25 percent in the north. 

Population 

Ghana's first postindependence population census in 1960 
counted about 6.7 million inhabitants. By 1970 the national 
census registered 8.5 million people, about a 27 percent 
increase; the most recent official census in 1984 recorded a fig- 
ure of 12.3 million — almost double the 1960 figure (see table 
2, Appendix). The nation's population was estimated to have 
increased to about 15 million in 1990 and to an estimated 17.2 
million in mid-1994. With an annual growth rate of 2.2 percent 
for the period between 1965 and 1980, a 3.4 percent growth 
rate for 1981 through 1989, and a 1992 growth rate of 3.2 per- 
cent, the country's population is projected to surpass 20 mil- 
lion by the year 2000 and 35 million by 2025. 

Increasing population is reflected in other statistical repre- 
sentations as well. Between 1965 and 1989, a constant 45 per- 
cent of the nation's total female population was of childbearing 
age. The crude birth rate of 47 per 1,000 population recorded 
for 1965 dropped to 44 per 1,000 population in 1992. Also, the 
crude death rate of 18 per 1,000 population in 1965 fell to 13 
per 1,000 population in 1992, while life expectancy rose from 
an average of forty-two years for men and forty-five years for 
women in 1970-75 to fifty-two and fifty-six years, respectively, in 
1992. The 1965 infant mortality rate of 120 per 1,000 live births 
also improved to 86 per 1,000 live births in 1992. With the fer- 
tility rate averaging about seven children per adult female and 
expected to fall only to five children per adult female by the 



73 



Ghana: A Country Study 

year 2000, the population projection of 35 million in 2025 
becomes more credible. A number of factors, including 
improved vaccination against common diseases and nutritional 
education through village and community health-care systems, 
contributed to the expanding population. The rise in the 
nation's population generated a corresponding rise in the 
demand for schools, health facilities, and urban housing. 

The gender ratio of the population, 97.3 males to 100 
females, was reflected in the 1984 figures of 6,063,848 males to 
6,232,233 females (see fig. 5). This was slightly below the 1970 
figure of 98 males to 100 females, but a reversal of the 1960 
ratio of 102.2 males to 100 females. The fall in the proportion 
of males to females may be partly attributed to the fact that 
men have left the country in pursuit of jobs. 

Also significant in the 1984 census figures was the national 
age distribution. About 58 percent of Ghana's population in 
1984 was either under the age of twenty or above sixty-five. 
Approximately 7 million people were represented in this cate- 
gory, about 4 million of them under the age of ten and, there- 
fore, economically unproductive. The large population of 
young, economically unproductive individuals appeared to be 
growing rapidly. In the early 1990s, about half of Ghana's popu- 
lation was under age fifteen. If the under-twenty group and 
those above the age of sixty are regarded as a dependent 
group, the social, political, and economic implications for the 
1990s and beyond are as grave for Ghana as they are for sub- 
Saharan Africa as a whole. 

Population Distribution 

Population density increased steadily from thirty-six per 
square kilometer in 1970 to fifty-two per square kilometer in 
1984; in 1990 sixty-three persons per square kilometer was the 
estimate for Ghana's overall population density. These aver- 
ages, naturally, did not reflect variations in population distribu- 
tion. For example, while the Northern Region, one of ten 
administrative regions, showed a density of seventeen persons 
per square kilometer in 1984, in the same year Greater Accra 
Region recorded nine times the national average of fifty-two 
per square kilometer. As was the case in the 1960 and 1970 fig- 
ures, the greatest concentration of population in 1984 was to 
the south of the Kwahu Plateau. The highest concentration of 
habitation continued to be within the Accra-Kumasi-Takoradi 
triangle, largely because of the economic productivity of the 



74 



The Society and Its Environment 



region. In fact, all of the country's mining centers, timber-pro- 
ducing deciduous forests, and cocoa-growing lands lie to the 
south of the Kwahu Plateau. The Accra-Kumasi-Takoradi trian- 
gle also is conveniently linked to the coast by rail and road sys- 
tems — making this area an important magnet for investment 
and labor (see fig. 10). 

By contrast, a large part of the Volta Basin is sparsely popu- 
lated. The presence of tsetse flies, the relative infertility of the 
soil, and, above all, the scarcity of water in the area during the 
harmattan season affect habitation. The far north, on the other 
hand, is heavily populated. The eighty-seven persons per 
square kilometer recorded in the 1984 census for the Upper 
East Region, for example, was well above the national average. 
This density may be explained in part by the somewhat better 
soil found in some areas and the general absence of the tsetse 
fly; however, onchocerciasis, or river blindness, a fly-borne dis- 
ease, is common in the north and has caused abandonment of 
some land. With the improvement of the water supply through 
well-drilling and the introduction of intensive agricultural 
extension services as part of the Global 2000 program since the 
mid-1980s, demographic figures for the far north could be 
markedly different by the next census. 

Another factor affecting Ghana's demography is refugees. At 
the end of 1994, approximately 110,000 refugees resided in 
Ghana. About 90,000 were Togolese who had fled political vio- 
lence in their homeland beginning in early 1993 (see Relations 
with Immediate African Neighbors, ch. 4). Most Togolese set- 
tled in the Volta region among their ethnic kinsmen. About 
20,000 Liberians were also found in Ghana, having fled the 
civil war in their country (see International Security Concerns, 
ch. 5). Many were long-term residents. As a result of ethnic 
fighting in northeastern Ghana in early 1994, at least 20,000 
Ghanaians out of an original group of 150,000 were still inter- 
nally displaced at the end of the year. About 5,000 had taken 
up residence in Togo because of the strife. 

Urban-Rural Disparities 

Localities of 5,000 persons and above have been classified as 
urban since 1960. On this basis, the 1960 urban population 
totalled 1,551,174 persons, or 23.1 percent of total population. 
By 1970, the percentage of the country's population residing in 
urban centers had increased to 28 percent. That percentage 



75 



Ghana: A Country Study 



TOTAL POPULATION = ca. 15 MILLION 



AGE-GROUP 




POPULATION IN MILLIONS 



Source: Based on information from Eduard Bos, My T. Vu, Ann Levin, and Rudolfo A. 
Bulatao, World Population Projections, 1992-93 Edition, Baltimore, 1992, 238. 

Figure 5. Estimated Population by Age and Gender, 1990 

rose to 32 in 1984 and was estimated at 33 percent for 1992 
(see table 3, Appendix). 

Like the population density figures, the rate of urbanization 
varies from one administrative region to another. While the 
Greater Accra Region showed an 83-percent urban residency, 
the Ashanti Region matched the national average of 32 percent 
in 1984. The Upper West Region of the country recorded only 
10 percent of its population in urban centers that year, which 
reflected internal migration to the south and the pattern of 
development that favored the south, with its minerals and for- 
est resources, over the north. Urban areas in Ghana have cus- 
tomarily been supplied with more amenities than rural 
locations. Consequently, Kumasi, Accra, and many towns within 



76 



The Society and Its Environment 



the southern economic belt have attracted more people than 
the savanna regions of the north; only Tamale in the north has 
been an exception. The linkage of the national electricity grid 
to the northern areas of the country in the late 1980s may help 
to stabilize the north-to-south flow of internal migration. 

The growth of urban population notwithstanding, Ghana 
continues to be a nation of rural communities. The 1984 enu- 
meration showed that six of the country's ten regions had rural 
populations of 5 percent or more above the national average of 
68 percent. Rural residency was estimated to be 67 percent of 
the population in 1992. These figures, though reflecting a 
trend toward urban residency, are not very different from the 
1970s when about 72 percent of the nation's population lived 
in rural areas. 

In an attempt to perpetuate this pattern of rural-urban resi- 
dency and thereby to lessen the consequent socioeconomic 
impact on urban development, the "Rural Manifesto," which 
assessed the causes of rural underdevelopment, was introduced 
in April 1984. Development strategies were evaluated, and 
some were implemented to make rural residency more attrac- 
tive. As a result, the Bank of Ghana established more than 120 
rural banks to support rural entrepreneurs, and the rural elec- 
trification program was intensified in the late 1980s. The gov- 
ernment, moreover, presented its plans for district assemblies 
as a component of its strategy for rural improvement through 
decentralized administration, a program designed to allow 
local people to become more involved in planning develop- 
ment programs to meet local needs (see District Assembly Elec- 
tions, ch. 4). 

Family Planning 

A survey carried out between 1962 and 1964 in rural areas of 
the country and among the economically better-off urban pop- 
ulation indicated the nature of the problem with population 
control in Ghana. The survey showed that rural families 
favored a total of seven or eight children and that the actual 
number of children in the better-off urban family ran between 
five and six. In neither case was there much interest in limiting 
the size of the family, although the urban group stated that it 
would recommend a maximum of three or four children to 
newly married couples. 

The Ghanaian government has long shown an active interest 
in the population question. It was a cosponsor of a resolution 



77 



Ghana: A Country Study 

on population growth and economic development in the 
1962-63 session of the United Nations (UN) General Assembly 
and was the first sub-Saharan country to sign the "World Lead- 
ers' Declaration on Population" in 1967 that called attention to 
the population question. In 1969 it issued a general policy 
paper, "Population Planning for National Progress and Pros- 
perity," that included provisions for family planning services. 
Subsequently, in 1969, it carried out a mass publicity and edu- 
cation campaign on family planning and during late 1970 
sponsored an awareness week designed to encourage accep- 
tance of family planning. 

Some family planning services have been available since 
1966, when the Planned Parenthood Association of Ghana was 
formed. In the early 1990s, branch offices of the organization 
were still functioning in regional capitals out of which field 
officers (usually women) organized community awareness cam- 
paigns. In addition to the obvious family planning activities, 
the Planned Parenthood Association and the United States 
government furnished technical and financial support to the 
government's effort to control population expansion. This sup- 
port included aid for the demographic unit of the Sociology 
Department of the University of Ghana in the collection of 
data on attitudes toward population control and on family 
planning practices during the 1970s. The aid program also 
funded pilot projects that incorporated family planning educa- 
tion into basic health services and that provided training of 
medical and paramedical personnel. 

Although many adult Ghanaians have at least some knowl- 
edge of family planning, data from the 1980s suggest almost no 
change in attitudes and practices from the 1960s. For example, 
most Ghanaian women still prefer large families and probably 
see their child-bearing abilities as a form of social and eco- 
nomic security (see The Position of Women, this ch.). In 
Africa, where the infant mortality rate is generally high, large 
families ensure that some children will survive. It is, therefore, 
not surprising that Ghana's population continues to grow rap- 
idly in the 1990s. 

In an effort to regulate the effects of rapid population 
growth, the government launched a substantial public educa- 
tion program for women in the late 1980s that continued into 
the 1990s. In numerous newspaper articles and at community 
health centers, the campaign stressed child nutrition and 
immunization and the spacing of births. Although family plan- 



78 



The Society and Its Environment 



ning had been incorporated into basic women's health ser- 
vices, no attention was given to the role of men in family 
planning until the beginning of the 1990s when a campaign to 
control the spread of acquired immune deficiency syndrome 
(AIDS) addressed male promiscuity and the practice of polyg- 
amy (see Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome, this ch.). 
Because of government efforts and increased aid from the 
United States, some increase in the use of contraceptives and 
modern methods of birth control has occurred during the 
early 1990s. As is to be expected, family planning is more likely 
to be practiced among women who live in urban areas with 
greater access to family planning services and whose level of 
education is junior secondary school or above. 

Ethnic Groups and Languages 

In 1960 roughly 100 linguistic and cultural groups were 
recorded in Ghana. Although later censuses placed less empha- 
sis on the ethnic and cultural composition of the population, 
differences, of course, existed and had not disappeared by the 
mid-1990s (see fig. 6). The major ethnic groups in Ghana 
include the Akan, Ewe, Mole-Dagbane, Guan, and Ga-Adan- 
gbe. The subdivisions of each group share a common cultural 
heritage, history, language, and origin. These shared attributes 
were among the variables that contributed to state formation in 
the precolonial period. Competition to acquire land for culti- 
vation, to control trade routes, or to form alliances for protec- 
tion also promoted group solidarity and state formation. The 
creation of the union that became the Asante confederacy in 
the late seventeenth century is a good example of such pro- 
cesses at work in Ghana's past (see The Precolonial Period, ch. 

i). 

Ethnic rivalries of the precolonial era, variance in the impact 
of colonialism upon different regions of the country, and the 
uneven distribution of social and economic amenities in 
postindependence Ghana have all contributed to present-day 
ethnic tensions. For example, in February 1994, more than 
1,000 persons were killed and 150,000 displaced in the north- 
eastern part of Ghana in fighting between Konkomba on one 
side and Nanumba, Dagomba, and Gonja on the other. The 
clashes resulted from long-standing grievances over land own- 
ership and the prerogatives of chiefs. A military task force 
restored order, but a state of emergency in the region 
remained in force until mid-August. 



79 



Ghana: A Country Study 




Figure 6. Principal Ethnolinguistic Groups 

Although this violence was certainly evidence of ethnic ten- 
sion in the country, most observers agreed that the case in 
point was exceptional. As one prolific writer on modern 
Ghana, Naomi Chazan, has aptly observed, undifferentiated 
recourse to ethnic categories has obscured the essential fluidity 
that lies at the core of shared ties in the country Evidence of 
this fluidity lies in the heterogeneous nature of all administra- 
tive regions, in rural-urban migration that results in interethnic 



80 



The Society and Its Environment 



mixing, in the shared concerns of professionals and trade 
unionists that cut across ethnic lines, and in the multi-ethnic 
composition of secondary school and university classes. Ethnic- 
ity, nonetheless, continues to be one of the most potent factors 
affecting political behavior in Ghana. For this reason, ethni- 
cally based political parties are unconstitutional under the 
present Fourth Republic. 

Despite the cultural differences among Ghana's various peo- 
ples, linguists have placed Ghanaian languages in one or the 
other of only two major linguistic subfamilies of the Niger- 
Congo language family, one of the large language groups in 
Africa. These are the Kwa and Gur groups, found to the south 
and north of the Volta River, respectively. The Kwa group, 
which comprises about 75 percent of the country's population, 
includes the Akan, Ga-Adangbe, and Ewe. The Akan are fur- 
ther divided into the Asante, Fante, Akwapim, Akyem, 
Akwamu, Ahanta, Bono, Nzema, Kwahu, and Safwi. The Ga- 
Adangbe people and language group include the Ga, Adangbe, 
Ada, and Krobo or Kloli. Even the Ewe, who constitute a single 
linguistic group, are divided into the Nkonya, Tafi, Logba, Son- 
trokofi, Lolobi, and Likpe. North of the Volta River are the 
three subdivisions of the Gur-speaking people. These are the 
Gurma, Grusi, and Mole-Dagbane. Like the Kwa subfamilies, 
further divisions exist within the principal Gur groups. 

Any one group may be distinguished from others in the 
same linguistically defined category or subcategory, even when 
the members of the category are characterized by essentially 
the same social institutions. Each has a historical tradition of 
group identity, if nothing else, and, usually, of political auton- 
omy. In some cases, however, what is considered a single unit 
for census and other purposes may have been divided into 
identifiable separate groups before and during much of the 
colonial period and, in some manner, may have continued to 
be separate after independence. 

No part of Ghana, however, is ethnically homogeneous. 
Urban centers are the most ethnically mixed because of migra- 
tion to towns and cities by those in search of employment. 
Rural areas, with the exception of cocoa-producing areas that 
have attracted migrant labor, tend to reflect more traditional 
population distributions. One overriding feature of the coun- 
try's population is that groups to the south who are closer to 
the Atlantic coast have long been influenced by the money 
economy, Western education, and Christianity, whereas Gur- 



81 



Ghana: A Country Study 



speakers to the north, who have been less exposed to those 
influences, have come under Islamic influence. These influ- 
ences were not pervasive in the respective regions, however, 
nor were they wholly restricted to them. 

Language Diversity 

More than 100 languages and dialects are spoken in Ghana. 
In view of these linguistic and associated cultural differences, 
and, as a result of the country's colonial past, English has 
become Ghana's official language. It is used for all government 
affairs, large-scale business transactions, educational instruc- 
tion, and in national radio and television broadcasts. In fact, 
the constitution of 1969 required that members of parliament 
speak, read, and understand English. In an effort to increase 
"grassroots participation" in government and to encourage 
non-English speakers to run for elective office, however, the 
1992 Consultative Assembly on the Constitution recommended 
that the ability to communicate in English no longer be 
required of future members of parliament. In the mid-1980s, 
the Ministry of Education also encouraged teachers to use local 
languages for instruction during the first six years of formal 
education. These changes, however, have not lessened the 
importance of English in Ghanaian society. 

Although Fante-Twi (a major Akan language), Ga, and Ewe 
are the most important Kwa languages spoken in the south, 
three subdivisions of the Gur branch — Mole-Dagbane, Grusi, 
and Gurma — dominate the northern region. Hausa, a lan- 
guage of northern Nigeria which spread throughout West 
Africa through trade, is also understood by some inhabitants in 
the northeastern part of the country. In northwestern Ghana, 
among the Dagari-speaking people and around frontier towns 
in western Brong-Ahafo, various dialects of the Mande lan- 
guage are spoken. Akan, Ewe, Ga, Nzema, Dagbane, and Hausa 
are the country's principal indigenous languages and are used 
in radio and television programming. 

The literary tradition of northern Ghana has its roots in 
Islam, while the literature of the south was influenced by Chris- 
dan missionaries. As a result of European influence, a number 
of Ghanaian groups have developed writing systems based on 
Latin script, and several indigenous languages have produced a 
rich body of literature. The principal written Ghanaian lan- 
guages are the Twi dialects of Asante, Akwapim, and Fante. 
Other written languages are Nzema, Ewe, Dagbane, Ga, and 



82 



The Society and Its Environment 



Kasena (a Grusi language). Most publications in the country, 
however, are written in English. 

Major Ethnic Groups 

On the basis of language and culture, historical geographers 
and cultural anthropologists classify the indigenous people of 
Ghana into five major groups. These are the Akan, the Ewe, the 
Guan, the Mole-Dagbane and related peoples of the north, and 
the Ga-Adangbe. 

The Akan Group 

The Akan people occupy practically the whole of Ghana 
south and west of the Black Volta River. Historical accounts sug- 
gest that Akan groups migrated from the north to occupy the 
forest and coastal areas of the south as early as the thirteenth 
century. Some of the Akan ended up in the eastern section of 
Cote d'lvoire, where they created the Baule community. 

When Europeans arrived at the coast in the fifteenth cen- 
tury, the Akan were established there. The typical political unit 
was the small state under the headship of an elder from one of 
the seven or eight clans (see Glossary) that composed Akan 
society. From these units emerged several powerful states, of 
which the oldest is thought to be Bono (also called Brong). As 
a result of military conquests and partial assimilation of weaker 
groups, well-known political entities, such as Akwamu, Asante 
(also seen as Ashanti — see Glossary), Akyem, Denkyira, and 
Fante emerged before the close of the seventeenth century. 
Asante, for example, continued to expand throughout the 
eighteenth century and survived as an imperial power until the 
end of the nineteenth century, when it succumbed to British 
rule (see The Precolonial Period, ch. 1). 

The coastal Akan (Fante) were the first to have relations with 
Europeans. As a result of long association, these groups 
absorbed aspects of British culture and language. For example, 
it became customary among these people to accept British 
names as family names. 

The primary form of Akan social organization is the 
extended family or the abusua — the basic unit in a society 
based on matriclans (see Glossary). Through the exogamous 
matriclan system, local identity and individual status, inherit- 
ance, succession to wealth and to political offices, and even 
basic relations within the village community are determined. 
Every lineage (see Glossary) is a corporate group with its own 



83 



Ghana: A Country Study 

identity, group solidarity, exclusive property, and symbols. The 
ownership of a symbolic carved chair or stool, usually named 
after the female founder of the matriclan, became the means 
through which individuals traced their ancestry. These lineages 
have segmented into branches, each led by an elder, headman, 
or chief, but a branch, although it possesses a stool, is not an 
autonomous political or social unit. Possession of a ritually 
important stool is seen as vital, not only to the existence of each 
abusua but to the matriclan as a whole. 

Despite the matrilineal focus of Akan societies, most tradi- 
tional leadership positions are held by men. Male succession to 
inherited positions is, however, determined by relationship to 
mothers and sisters. Consequently, a man's valuable property is 
passed on not to his children, but to his brother or his sister's 
son. A man may also be expected to support the children of a 
maternal relative, whether deceased or alive, an expectation 
that may conflict with the interests of his own children. Matri- 
lineal (see Glossary under "matrilineage") succession to prop- 
erty has been the cause of much litigation. There have been 
instances of wives and children turning to the courts for 
redress. In 1986 the government passed a number of laws that 
sought to bring the traditions of inheritance in line with 
changes that had occurred in the country. These laws, which 
included the Intestate Succession Law, the Customary Mar- 
riage and Divorce (Registration) Law, the Administration of 
Estate (Amendment) Law, and the Head of Family (Account- 
ability) Law, recognized the nuclear family as the prime eco- 
nomic unit. Provision was made, however, for the identification 
of collective properties that belonged to the extended family. 

Notwithstanding the 1986 legislation, the matriclan system 
of the Akan continued to be economically and politically 
important. Each lineage controlled the land farmed by its 
members, functioned as a religious unit in the veneration of its 
ancestors, supervised marriages, and settled internal disputes 
among its members (see Traditional Religion, this ch.). It was 
from the lineages and the associations they cultivated that the 
village, town, and even the state emerged. The Akan state, 
therefore, comprehended several kin-based units, one of 
which, usually the most prominent lineage, provided the para- 
mount chief, who exercised at least some authority over incor- 
porated groups. Every one of the incorporated groups, 
lineages, or territorial units had some autonomy under its own 
headman, chief, or elders. In any case, all chiefs were subject to 



84 



The Society and Its Environment 



removal from office if they acted in any manner that alienated 
a substantial number of people, especially influential ones. 

The relative homogeneity of Akan cultures, languages, and 
authority structures has not led to political unity; the most 
important conflicts of the Akan in precolonial and colonial 
times, for example, were with other Akan groups. This is 
understandable if the state is seen as the arena of political life 
and as a set of institutions concerned with power, especially for 
internal regulation, and for the defense of its component 
members. The development of the Asante Empire, for exam- 
ple, was largely at the expense of the independence of the sur- 
rounding Akan, who were quick to reassert their autonomy, 
especially after 1896, when Asante was defeated and its king, 
the asantehene (king of Asante), was exiled to the Seychelles by 
the British. In the struggle for independence and in the period 
since then, political alignments have followed local interests 
rather than any conception of Akan ethnic unity. 

The Ewe 

The Ewe occupy southeastern Ghana and the southern parts 
of neighboring Togo and Benin. On the west, the Volta sepa- 
rates the Ewe from the Ga-Adangbe, Ga, and Akan. Subdivi- 
sions of the Ewe include the Anglo (Anlo), Bey (Be), and Gen 
on the coast, and the Peki, Ho, Kpando, Tori, and Ave in the 
interior. Oral tradition suggests that the Ewe immigrated into 
Ghana before the mid-fifteenth century. Although the Ewe 
have been described as a single language group, there is con- 
siderable dialectic variation. Some of these dialects are mutu- 
ally intelligible, but only with difficulty. 

Unlike the political and social organization of the Akan, 
where matrilineal rule prevails, the Ewe are essentially a patri- 
lineal (see Glossary under "patrilineage") people. The founder 
of a community became the chief and was usually succeeded by 
his paternal relatives. The largest independent political unit 
was a chiefdom, the head of which was essentially a ceremonial 
figure who was assisted by a council of elders. Chiefdoms 
ranged in population from a few hundred people in one or two 
villages to several thousand in a chiefdom with a large number 
of villages and surrounding countryside. Unlike the Asante 
among the Akan, no Ewe chiefdom gained hegemonic power 
over its neighbor. The rise of Ewe nationalism in both Ghana 
and Togo was more of a reaction to the May 1956 plebiscite 



85 



Ghana: A Country Study 



that partitioned Eweland between the Gold Coast and Togo 
than to any sense of overriding ethnic unity. 

Substantial differences in local economies were characteris- 
tic of the Ewe. Most Ewe were farmers who kept some livestock, 
and there was some craft specialization. On the coast and 
immediately inland, fishing was important, and local variations 
in economic activities permitted a great deal of trade between 
one community and another, carried out chiefly by women. 

The Guan 

The Guan are believed to have begun to migrate from the 
Mossi region of modern Burkina around A.D. 1000. Moving 
gradually through the Volta valley in a southerly direction, they 
created settlements along the Black Volta, throughout the 
Afram Plains, in the Volta Gorge, and in the Akwapim Hills 
before moving farther south onto the coastal plains. Some 
scholars postulate that the wide distribution of the Guan sug- 
gests that they were the Neolithic population of the region. 
Later migrations by other groups such as the Akan, Ewe, and 
Ga-Adangbe into Guan-settled areas would then have led to the 
development of Guan-speaking enclaves along the Volta and 
within the coastal plains. The Guan have been heavily influ- 
enced by their neighbors. The Efutu, a subgroup of the Guan, 
for example, continue to speak Guan dialects, but have 
adopted (with modifications) the Fante version of some Akan 
institutions and the use of some Fante words in their rituals. As 
far as the other Guan subgroups are concerned, the Anum- 
Boso speak a local Ewe dialect, whereas the Larteh and Kyere- 
pong have customs similar to Akwapim groups. 

Constituting about a quarter of the Guan, the Gonja to the 
north have also been influenced by other groups. The Gonja 
are ruled by members of a dynasty, probably Mande in origin. 
The area is peopled by a variety of groups, some of which do 
not speak Guan. The ruling dynasty, however, does speak 
Guan, as do substantial numbers of commoners. Although nei- 
ther the rulers nor most of the commoners are Muslims, a 
group of Muslims accompanied the Mande invaders and have 
since occupied a special position as scribes and traders. 

The Gonja founded one of several northern kingdoms (see 
The Precolonial Period, ch. 1). In the eighteenth century, they, 
like their neighbors, were defeated by the expanding Asante 
Empire. Gonja became part of the British Northern Territories 
after the fall of Asante. Even though long-distance commerce 



86 



Fishermen offer their daily catch for sale on a beach near Accra 

Courtesy James Sanders 



led to the development of major markets, the Gonja continued 
to be subsistence farmers and migrant workers. 

The Mole-Dagbane and Related Peoples of the North 

Apart from the Guan-speaking Gonja, the Kyokosi or Cho- 
kosi (an Akan-speaking fragment), and the Mande-speaking 
Busanga in the northeasternmost part of Ghana, the ethnic 
groups to the north of the Black Volta speak Gur or Voltaic lan- 
guages of the Niger-Congo language family. Three subgroups 
of Gur languages — the Mole-Dagbane (sometimes called 
Mossi-Grunshi), Gurma, and Grusi — are represented in this 
region. Of the three Gur subfamilies, Mole-Dagbane is by far 
the largest, being spoken by about 15 percent of the nation's 
population. Its speakers are culturally the most varied; they 
include the Nanumba, Dagomba, Mamprusi, Wala, Builsa, 
Frafra, Talensi, and Kusase. 

For centuries, the area inhabited by the Gur has been the 
scene of movements of people engaged in conquest, expan- 
sion, and north-south and east-west trade. For this reason, a 
considerable degree of heterogeneity, particularly of political 
structure, developed here. 

The structure of many small groups, varied as they are, sug- 
gests that most Gur-speakers once lived in small, autonomous 
communities and that the links among these communities were 
provided by kinship ties, which in their larger extensions cut 
across community boundaries, and by intermarriage. The 
salient figure was not political but ritual — it was the priest 
(tendaana; a Mole-Dagbane term) of the earth cult and shrine. 



87 



Ghana: A Country Study 

Although primarily a religious figure, the tendaana's influence 
was keenly felt in kin-group and community decision making. 

In some cases (for example, that of the Talensi), an indepen- 
dent community or chiefdom was aware that others like it 
shared the same culture and social structure, and there were 
occasional common rituals that brought independent commu- 
nities together. In other cases (for example, the Dagaba), polit- 
ical and cultural boundaries were not sharp, and there was no 
sense that an ethnic group included some communities and 
excluded others, although shifting distinctions were made 
based on various cultural traits. In the case of the Dagaba, the 
most important or recurrent of these distinctions seemed to 
be, and in the mid-twentieth century continued to be, whether 
inheritance was exclusively determined in the patrilineal line 
or, at least in part, followed the matrilineal line. 

In a few cases, some Mole-Dagbane people developed societ- 
ies of larger scale under a ruling dynasty. These included the 
Dagomba, Mamprusi, and Gonja, who, like the Akan to the 
south, were known to have founded centralized states. Rulers 
of the centralized Mole-Dagbane societies were believed to be 
related to those of the Mossi kingdoms of Burkina and the 
smaller Nanumba kingdoms of Ghana. Historical research sug- 
gests that migrants imposed their rule on peoples already set- 
tled in the area. In some cases, these migrants extended their 
rule to other groups, at least for a time. Thus, many of the 
Gurma-speaking Konkomba were subject to Dagomba control. 
The ruling groups still maintain a clear sense of their own iden- 
tity and some cultural and linguistic peculiarities, but in gen- 
eral they speak the local language. 

The Ga-Adangbe 

The Ga-Adangbe people inhabit the Accra Plains. The Adan- 
gbe are found to the east, the Ga groups to the west, of the 
Accra coastlands. Although both languages are derived from a 
common proto-Ga-Adangbe ancestral language, modern Ga 
and Adangbe are mutually unintelligible. The modern Adan- 
gbe include the people of Shai, La, Ningo, Kpone, Osudoku, 
Krobo, Gbugble, and Ada, who speak different dialects. The Ga 
also include the Ga-Mashie groups occupying neighborhoods 
in the central part of Accra, and other Ga-speakers who 
migrated from Akwamu, Anecho in Togo, Akwapim, and sur- 
rounding areas. 



88 



The Society and Its Environment 



Debates persist about the origins of the Ga-Adangbe people. 
One school of thought suggests that the proto-Ga-Adangbe 
people came from somewhere east of the Accra plains, while 
another suggests a distant locale beyond the West African coast. 
In spite of such historical and linguistic theories, it is agreed 
that the people were settled in the plains by the thirteenth cen- 
tury. Both the Ga and the Adangbe were influenced by their 
neighbors. For example, both borrowed some of their vocabu- 
lary, especially words relating to economic activities and state- 
craft, from the Guan. The Ewe are also believed to have 
influenced the Adangbe. 

Despite the archaeological evidence that proto-Ga-Adangbe 
speakers relied on millet and yam cultivation, the modern Ga 
reside in what used to be fishing communities. Today, such 
former Ga communities as Labadi and Old Accra are neighbor- 
hoods of the national capital of Accra. This explains why, in 
1960, when the national enumeration figures showed the eth- 
nic composition of the country's population, more than 75 per- 
cent of the Ga were described as living in urban centers. The 
presence of major industrial, commercial, and governmental 
institutions in the city, as well as increasing migration of other 
people into the area, has not prevented the Ga people from 
maintaining aspects of their traditional culture. 

The Central Togo 

The Central Togo groups are found to the north of Ewe 
country in the Akwapim-Togo Ranges. These groups are some- 
times called the Togo remnants, on the assumption that they 
represent what is left of a once more widespread people who 
were absorbed either by the Akan or by the Ewe. Although 
some of the Central Togo groups are indigenous to the area, 
many are believed to have come to the mountain location for 
refuge from the numerous wars that were fought after the end 
of the seventeenth century by the Gonja, Asante, Dahomeans, 
and Akwamu. The refugees found protection and land and, 
therefore, settled in the ranges. Descent and inheritance seem 
to be patrilineal, and each group is autonomously organized 
under a chief. 

The traditional mode of economic activity among the Cen- 
tral Togo people was the cultivation of rice, but today a substan- 
tial number of the people are engaged in cocoa farming. More 
than any Kwa or Gur group, the Central Togo people define 
themselves as Christian. A relatively high level of literacy and 



89 



Ghana: A Country Study 

school attendance and a high proportion of professionals and 
technical workers characterize the Central Togo groups. 

Social Organization and Social Change 

The essential characteristic of the Ghanaian social system is 
its dual but interrelated nature. Even though the majority of 
the population still lives in rural areas and observes ancestral 
customs and practices, the process of modernization associated 
with urban life has, nonetheless, affected all Ghanaians' social 
behavior and values. Peoples, ideas, goods, and services flow 
constantly between urban and rural areas, blurring the distinc- 
tion between so-called traditional and modern life. Relation- 
ships within traditional society are based on family 
membership, inherited status, and ancestral beliefs. In modern 
society, relationships are determined by achieved status, for- 
malized education, membership in professional associations, 
and ethnic affiliation. Contemporary society, however, is 
grafted onto traditional roots, and although traditional social 
relationships have often been partially transformed to fit the 
needs of modern life, they continue to endure. The result is 
that, even those who live primarily in the modern urban setting 
are still bound to traditional society through the kinship system 
and are held to the responsibilities that such associations 
entail. 

Traditional Patterns of Social Relations 

The extended family system is the hub around which tradi- 
tional social organization revolves. This unilineal descent 
group functions under customary law. It is a corporate group 
with definite identity and membership that controls property, 
the application of social sanctions, and the practice of religious 
rituals. Many local variations exist within the general frame- 
work of the lineage system. In some ethnic groups, the individ- 
ual's loyalty to his or her lineage overrides all other loyalties; in 
other groups, a person marrying into the group, though never 
becoming a complete member of the spouse's lineage, adopts 
its interests. 

Among the matrilineal Akan, members of the extended fam- 
ily include the man's mother, his maternal uncles and aunts, 
his sisters and their children, and his brothers. A man's chil- 
dren and those of his brothers belong to the families of their 
respective mothers. Family members may occupy one or several 



90 



An example of domestic 
architecture of the Kasena 
people at Nakong, far 
northern Ghana 
Courtesy life in general 
(Brook, Rose, and Cooper 
Le Van) 




houses in the same village. The wife and her children tradition- 
ally reside at their maternal house where she prepares her 
food, usually the late evening meal, to be carried to her hus- 
band at his maternal house. Polygamy as a conjugal arrange- 
ment is on the decline for economic reasons; but where it has 
been practiced, visitation schedules with the husband were 
planned for the wives. 

For the patrilineal and double-descent peoples of the north, 
the domestic group often consists of two or more brothers with 
their wives and children who usually occupy a single home- 
stead with a separate room for each wife. Also, the largest 
household among the patrilineal Ewe includes some or all of 
the sons and grandsons of one male ancestor together with 
their wives, children, and unmarried sisters. 

Irrespective of the composition of the family in either matri- 
lineal or patrilineal societies, each family unit is usually headed 
by a senior male or headman who might either be the found- 
ing member of the family or have inherited that position. He 
acts in council with other significant members of the family in 
the management of the affairs of the unit. Elderly female mem- 
bers of matrilineal descent groups may be consulted in the 
decision-making process on issues affecting the family, but 
often the men wield more influence. 



91 



Ghana: A Country Study 

Family elders supervise the allocation of land and function 
as arbitrators in domestic quarrels; they also oversee naming 
ceremonies for infants, supervise marriages, and arrange 
funerals. As custodians of the political and spiritual authority of 
the unit, the headman and his elders ensure the security of the 
family. These obligations that bind the group together also 
grant its members the right of inheritance, the privilege to 
receive capital (either in the form of cattle or fishing nets) to 
begin new businesses, and the guarantee of a proper funeral 
and burial upon death. The extended family, therefore, func- 
tions as a mutual aid society in which each member has both 
the obligation to help others and the right to receive assistance 
from it in case of need. 

To ensure that such obligations and privileges are properly 
carried out, the family also functions as a socializing agency. 
The moral and ethical instruction of children is the responsi- 
bility of the extended family. Traditional values may be trans- 
mitted to the young through proverbs, songs, stories, rituals, 
and initiations associated with rites of passage. Among the 
Krobo, Ga, and Akan, puberty rites for girls offer important 
occasions for instructing young adults. These methods of com- 
munication constitute the informal mode of education in the 
traditional society. It is, therefore, through the family that the 
individual acquires recognition and social status. As a result, 
the general society sees the individual's actions as reflecting the 
moral and ethical values of the family. Debts accrued by him 
are assumed by the family upon a member's death, and, there- 
fore, his material gains are theirs to inherit. 

Land is ordinarily the property of the lineage. Family land is 
thought of as belonging to the ancestors or local deities and is 
held in trust for them. As a result, such lands are administered 
by the lineage elders, worked by the members of the kinship 
group, and inherited only by members of that unit. Although 
sectors of such land may be leased to others for seasonal agri- 
cultural production, the land remains within the family and 
usually is not sold. However, it is not unusual for a man to set 
aside a portion of his acquired property as "reasonable gifts" 
for his children or wife, as has been the case, particularly, 
among matrilineal groups. For such gifts to be recognized, tra- 
dition requires that the presentation be made public during 
the lifetime of the donor, allowing the recipient to hold the 
public as witnesses should the gift be contested afterward, espe- 
cially following the death of the donor. 



92 



The Society and Its Environment 



A network of mutual obligations also joins families to chiefs 
and others in the general community. Traditional elders and 
chiefs act for the ancestors as custodians of the community. 
Thus, in both patrilineal and matrilineal societies, and from 
the small village to the large town, the position of the chief and 
that of the queen mother are recognized. 

The chief embodies traditional authority. Chiefs are usually 
selected from the senior members of the lineage or several lin- 
eages that are considered to be among the founders of the 
community or ethnic group. Chiefs have extensive executive 
and judicial authority. Decisions on critical issues, such as those 
made by family elders, are based on wide discussions and con- 
sultations with adult representative groups of both sexes. Tradi- 
tionally, legislation has not been a primary issue, for the rules 
of life are largely set by custom. Discussions are usually focused 
on the expediency of concrete actions within the framework of 
customary rules. Decisions, when taken by chiefs, are normally 
taken by chiefs-in-council and not by lone dictatorial flat. The 
legitimacy of traditional authority, therefore, has usually been 
based on public consensus sanctioned by custom. 

Although chiefs or other authority figures might come from 
designated families or clans, the interest of the common peo- 
ple is never ignored. Where the process of selecting as well as 
of advising chiefs is not given directly to the populace, it has 
often been vested in representatives of kin or local residence 
groups, elders, or other types of councils. Among the Akan, for 
example, the asafo (traditional men's associations, originally 
fighting companies — see Glossary) have played important roles 
as political action groups to protect the interests of the com- 
mon people. The priests of some local shrines also acquired 
substantial authority that helped balance the powers of local 
chiefs. It was such checks and balances within the traditional 
scheme of authority relations, especially among the Akan, that 
led the British anthropologist, Robert S. Rattray, to refer to the 
traditional political structure as a "domestic democracy." 

Social Change 

Needless to say, contact with Europeans, Christians, and 
Muslims as well as colonialism greatly affected and modified 
indigenous customs, institutions, and values. A good example 
of this process is the office of local chief. British influence has 
been present for generations, and by the time of independence 
in 1957, the British had exercised substantial political authority 



93 



Ghana: A Country Study 



over certain southern regions for more than a century. The 
office of the chief, traditionally used to manage the affairs of 
the village community and the ethnic group, was retained by 
the British as one of the most important agencies through 
which the populace received colonial instructions. As the archi- 
tect of the British colonial policy of indirect rule, Frederick 
Lugard argued in his Dual Mandate in British Tropical Africa that 
the preservation of the office of the traditional chief was cost- 
effective because it presented the appearance of continuity in 
the changing political environment. As was the case in many 
British colonies in Africa, traditional chiefs in Ghana were 
allowed to hold court in matters relating to traditional customs. 
They also controlled some local lands for agricultural produc- 
tion, even when the timber and mineral resources were 
exploited by the colonial government. 

Chiefs continued to be appointed by their own people dur- 
ing colonial times, but native administrators became increas- 
ingly accountable to the colonial government. Inevitably, the 
presence of other colonial agents, such as the small but effec- 
tive colonial police and the resident commissioners, influenced 
the power of chiefs. Also, with the abolition of slavery, the 
imposition of colonial taxes, and the establishment of bureau- 
cratic and judicial procedures, the social relationships that had 
existed in the precolonial period between chiefs and people 
were altered — at times radically and always permanently. Some 
individuals and groups lost power, while others gained influ- 
ence as the British abolished some traditional functions and 
established new ones. 

A combination of factors affected customary notions about 
the exercise of power — colonial rule, Christianity, the money 
economy, and Western-style education. Christian missionaries 
established the first Western schools (see Education, this ch.). 
Products of this formal school system became the new elite 
class of literate graduates who functioned as intermediaries 
between the indigenous people and the colonial power and, 
later, the world at large. Freed from lineage property as the 
sole means of attaining wealth and social status, the new elite 
developed new forms of social institutions and patterns of 
interaction. Such modes of behavior associated with modern- 
ization and urbanization and acquired through formal educa- 
tion and the formal market economy introduced certain value 
systems that were distinctly different from those within the tra- 
ditional culture. 



94 



The Society and Its Environment 



Of course, Western knowledge, technology, and organiza- 
tions were not uniformly introduced throughout the country. 
They appeared first and in most concentrated form on the 
coast or in the Gold Coast Colony, where European influence 
was greatest and where many schools were established com- 
pared with Asante and other northern regions. Consequently, 
the coastal and southern peoples were the greatest beneficia- 
ries of the new economic and social opportunities and, con- 
versely, suffered the greatest social upheaval — especially in 
conflicts between the Western-educated Africans and their tra- 
ditional chiefs. Traditional society adapted with particular swift- 
ness to life in urban areas, in part because of the concentration 
of economic development and social infrastructure in such 
areas. The pace of change intensified in 1952 when Kwame 
Nkrumah, the first African-born prime minister of the Gold 
Coast, introduced the Accelerated Development Plan for Edu- 
cation (see The Education System, this ch.). 

The impact of the urban region on rural, traditional life has 
been great. Migrations by Ghanaians from rural areas to urban 
centers either by those in search of work or for the pure enjoy- 
ment of urban conditions greatly increased after 1969 (see 
Population Distribution, this ch.). The result was a decline in 
rural agricultural productivity and an increased dependence 
on urban wage-earners by extended family relatives. What has 
been described as "rural dependency on the urban wage- 
earner" was acceptable to those within the traditional system, 
who saw the individual as socially important because he contin- 
ued to function in a matrix of kin and personal relationships 
and obligations, because his social identity could not be sepa- 
rated from that of his lineage, and because the wealth or posi- 
tions attained could be shared by, or would benefit, all 
members of the extended family. Such a position, however, 
contradicted the Western view of the individual as a free and 
separate social agent whose legal obligations were largely con- 
tractual rather than kin-based and whose relationships with 
other people depended on individual actions and interests. 
The very difficult economic conditions of the 1970s brought 
even more pressure to bear on the relationship between tradi- 
tional and urban values; nonetheless, the modern and the tra- 
ditional societies continued to exist side by side, and 
individuals continued to adapt themselves to the requirements 
of each. 



95 



Ghana: A Country Study 
Urban Society 

In 1960, 23.1 percent of the population of Ghana resided in 
urban centers. The figure rose to 28 percent in 1970, 32 per- 
cent according to the 1984 census report, and an estimated 33 
percent in 1994. The census figures show that while a majority 
of Ghanaians still live in rural areas, larger towns and cities 
continue to attract more immigrants than small ones. There is 
a high correlation between both the economic well-being of 
the individual and his or her educational level, and the ten- 
dency to migrate. A large number of migrants come from areas 
immediately adjacent to urban areas. Urban populations are 
therefore multiethnic in character. Even in this multiethnic 
urban environment, however, ethnic associations play impor- 
tant social roles — from the initial reception of new migrants to 
the burial of urban residents. 

Formed by people from the same village, district, region, or 
ethnic background, ethnic associations in urban centers func- 
tion like extended families in which membership entails obliga- 
tions and benefits. Apart from the obvious assistance that such 
associations may render — such as introducing newcomers to 
the urban environment, organizing credit unions, or helping 
with weddings and funeral activities — associations may also 
contribute to the development of their home areas. For exam- 
ple, urban residents from towns and villages in the Kwahu Pla- 
teau area are known throughout Ghana for their mutual aid 
societies. Through their fund-raising activities, Kwahu associa- 
tions have contributed to school building construction, rural 
electrification, and general beautification projects in their vil- 
lages. 

In urban centers, the degree of traditionalism or modernism 
demonstrated by an individual is determined to a large extent 
by the length of residency in an urban setting; by the level of 
education and, therefore, the degree of Westernization; by liv- 
ing habits; by the nature of work; and, in some measure, by reli- 
gious affiliation. For analytic purposes, one scholar has divided 
Ghanaian urban residents, especially those in the upper ranks 
of urban society, into groups according to occupation. Within 
these groups are individuals who, on the basis of their educa- 
tion, professional standing, and participation in the urban 
milieu, are accorded high status. They include professionals in 
economics, politics, education, administration, medicine, law, 
and similar occupations who constitute the elite of their respec- 
tive groupings. 



96 




View of central Accra along Kwame Nkrumah Avenue 
Courtesy Embassy of Ghana, Washington 
A main thoroughfare in Cape Coast 
Courtesy James Sanders 



97 



Ghana: A Country Study 

Taken as a whole, however, such elites do not compose an 
upper class. The individuals who constitute the elites come 
from different social and ethnic backgrounds and base their 
power and social status on a variety of cultural values. Most of 
them continue to participate in some aspects of traditional 
society and socialize with members of their own or other lin- 
eage groups. Most important, they do not regard themselves as 
an elite group. 

The working class constitutes the rank and file of the various 
trade union groups. The majority of them have completed the 
Middle School Leaving Certificate Examination. Some have 
secondary and technical educations. Unions have been politi- 
cally active in the country since the 1960s. During the 1970s, 
members of the Trade Union Congress, the umbrella organiza- 
tion of workers, and the nation's university students joined 
together to call for political changes. In the 1980s, however, 
long-standing good relations with student organizations suf- 
fered when certain trade union groups attacked demonstrating 
university students. The primary function of the Trade Union 
Congress as a mutual aid group is to conduct negotiations with 
the government in an effort to improve the conditions and the 
wages of workers. Apart from such joint actions within the 
unions, the lives of working people in urban centers, like those 
of their elite counterparts, revolve around friends, family, and 
other mutual-aid networks. 

Family life in more affluent urban areas approximates West- 
ern behavior in varying degrees. Decisions in the urban family 
are increasingly made by both parents, not just one. As chil- 
dren spend increasing amounts of time away from home, more 
of their values come from their peers and from adults who are 
not members of their lineage. Social activities organized by 
schools have become more important in the life of urban chil- 
dren and have reduced sibling interaction. As a result, a 
greater amount of socialization is taking place outside the kin 
group and immediate family. This contrasts with rural society 
in which family and lineage remain the most significant institu- 
tions. 

As a result of weakening lineage ties in urban centers and of 
population movements that separate more and more individu- 
als from kinsmen upon whom they would ordinarily depend 
for assistance, companionship, and entertainment, many 
urban residents have turned to voluntary-membership clubs 
and to organizations composed of people with shared interests 



98 



The Society and Its Environment 



rather than inherited links. Popular examples of such clubs are 
the Ghana Red Cross Society, the Accra Turf Club, and the 
Kristo Asafo (Christian Women's Club). Other organizations 
such as the Ghana Bar Association, the Registered Nurses Asso- 
ciation, the Ghana Medical Association, and the Ghana 
National Association of Teachers address professional con- 
cerns. 

The Position of Women 

Women in premodern Ghanaian society were seen as bear- 
ers of children, retailers of fish, and farmers. Within the tradi- 
tional sphere, the childbearing ability of women was explained 
as the means by which lineage ancestors were allowed to be 
reborn. Barrenness was, therefore, considered the greatest mis- 
fortune. In precolonial times, polygamy was encouraged, espe- 
cially for wealthy men. Anthropologists have explained the 
practice as a traditional method for well-to-do men to procre- 
ate additional labor. In patrilineal societies, dowry received 
from marrying off daughters was also a traditional means for 
fathers to accumulate additional wealth. Given the male domi- 
nance in traditional society, some economic anthropologists 
have explained a female's ability to reproduce as the most 
important means by which women ensured social and eco- 
nomic security for themselves, especially if they bore male chil- 
dren. 

In their Seven Roles of Women: Impact of Education, Migration, 
and Employment on Ghanaian Mothers (1987), Christine Oppong 
and Katherine Abu recorded field interviews in Ghana that 
confirmed this traditional view of procreation. Citing figures 
from the Ghana fertility survey of 1983, the authors concluded 
that about 60 percent of women in the country preferred to 
have large families of five or more children. A statistical table 
accompanying the research showed that the largest number of 
children per woman was found in the rural areas where the tra- 
ditional concept of family was strongest. Uneducated urban 
women also had large families. On the average, urbanized, edu- 
cated, and employed women had fewer children. On the 
whole, however, all the interviewed groups saw childbirth as an 
essential role for women in society, either for the benefits it 
bestows upon the mother or for the honor it brings to her fam- 
ily.The security that procreation provided was greater in the 
case of rural and uneducated women. By contrast, the number 
of children per mother declined for women with post-elemen- 



99 



Ghana: A Country Study 

tary education and outside employment. With a guaranteed 
income and little time at her disposal in her combined role as 
mother and employee, a woman's desire to procreate declined. 

In rural areas of Ghana where non-commercial agricultural 
production was the main economic activity, women worked the 
land. Coastal women also sold fish caught by men. Many of the 
financial benefits that accrued to these women went into 
upkeep of the household, while those of the man were rein- 
vested in an enterprise that was often perceived as belonging to 
his extended family. This traditional division of wealth placed 
women in positions subordinate to men. The persistence of 
such values in traditional Ghanaian society may explain some 
of the resistance to female education in the past. 

In traditional society, marriage under customary law was 
often arranged or agreed upon by the fathers and other senior 
kinsmen of the prospective bride and bridegroom. This type of 
marriage served to link the two groups together in social rela- 
tionships; hence, marriage within the ethnic group and in the 
immediate locality was encouraged. The age at which marriage 
was arranged varied among ethnic groups, but men generally 
married women somewhat younger than they were. Some of 
the marriages were even arranged by the families long before 
the girl attained nubility. In these matters, family consider- 
ations outweighed personal ones — a situation that further rein- 
forced the subservient position of the wife. 

The alienation of women from the acquisition of wealth, 
even in conjugal relationships, was strengthened by traditional 
living arrangements. Among matrilineal groups, such as the 
Akan, married women continued to reside at their maternal 
homes. Meals prepared by the wife would be carried to the hus- 
band at his maternal house. In polygamous situations, visita- 
tion schedules would be arranged. The separate living patterns 
reinforced the idea that each spouse is subject to the authority 
of a different household head, and because spouses are always 
members of different lineages, each is ultimately subject to the 
authority of the senior men of his or her lineage. The wife, as 
an outsider in the husband's family, would not inherit any of 
his property, other than that granted to her by her husband as 
gifts in token appreciation of years of devotion. The children 
from this matrilineal marriage would be expected to inherit 
from their mother's family (see Traditional Patterns of Social 
Relations, this ch.). 



100 



The Society and Its Environment 



The Ewe and the Dagomba, on the other hand, inherit from 
fathers. In these patrilineal societies where the domestic group 
includes the man, his wife or wives, their children, and perhaps 
several dependent relatives, the wife is brought into closer 
proximity to the husband and his paternal family. Her male 
children also assure her of more direct access to wealth accu- 
mulated in the marriage with her husband. 

The transition into the modern world has been slow for 
women. On the one hand, the high rate of female fertility in 
Ghana in the 1980s showed that women's primary role contin- 
ued to be that of child-bearing. On the other hand, current 
research supported the view that, notwithstanding the Educa- 
tion Act of 1960, which expanded and required elementary 
education, some parents were reluctant to send their daughters 
to school because their labor was needed in the home and on 
farms. Resistance to female education also stemmed from the 
conviction that women would be supported by their husbands. 
In some circles, there was even the fear that a girl's marriage 
prospects dimmed when she became educated. 

Where girls went to school, most of them did not continue 
after receiving the basic education certification. Others did not 
even complete the elementary level of education. At numerous 
workshops organized by the National Council on Women and 
Development (NCWD) between 1989 and 1990, the alarming 
drop-out rate among girls at the elementary school level 
caused great concern. For this reason, the council called upon 
the government to find ways to remedy the situation. The dis- 
parity between male and female education in Ghana was again 
reflected in the 1984 national census. Although the ratio of 
male to female registration in elementary schools was fifty-five 
to forty-five, the percentage of girls at the secondary school 
level dropped considerably, and only about 17 percent of regis- 
tered students in the nation's universities in 1984 were female. 
According to United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cul- 
tural Organization (UNESCO) figures published in 1991, the 
percentage of the female population registered at various levels 
of the nation's educational system in 1989 showed no improve- 
ment over those recorded in 1984 (see table 5, Appendix). 

Despite what these figures might suggest, women have risen 
to positions of professional importance in Ghana. Early 1990s 
data showed that about 19 percent of the instructional staff at 
the nation's three universities in 1990 was female. Of the teach- 
ing staff in specialized and diploma-granting institutions, 20 



101 



Ghana: A Country Study 



percent was female; elsewhere, corresponding figures were 21 
percent at the secondary school level, 23 percent at the middle 
school level, and as high as 42 percent at the primary school 
level. Women also dominated the secretarial and nursing pro- 
fessions in Ghana. When women were employed in the same 
line of work as men, they were paid equal wages, and they were 
granted maternity leave with pay. 

For women of little or no education who lived in urban cen- 
ters, commerce was the most common form of economic activ- 
ity in the 1980s. At urban market centers throughout the 
country, women from the rural areas brought their goods to 
trade. Other women specialized in buying agricultural produce 
at discounted prices at the rural farms and selling it to retailers 
in the city. These economic activities were crucial in sustaining 
the general urban population. From the mid-1970s through 
the early 1980s, however, urban market women, especially 
those who specialized in trading manufactured goods, gained 
reputations for manipulating market conditions and were 
accused of exacerbating the country's already difficult eco- 
nomic situation. With the introduction of the Economic Recov- 
ery Program in 1983 and the consequent successes reported 
throughout that decade, these accusations began to subside 
(see Economic Recovery Program, ch. 3). 

The overall impact of women on Ghanaian society cannot be 
overemphasized. The social and economic well-being of 
women, who as mothers, traders, farmers, and office workers 
compose slightly more than half of the nation's population, 
cannot be taken for granted. This was precisely the position 
taken by NCWD, which sponsored a number of studies on 
women's work, education, and training, and on family issues 
that are relevant in the design and execution of policies for the 
improvement of the condition of women. Among these consid- 
erations, the NCWD stressed family planning, child care, and 
female education as paramount. 

Religion and Society 

The religious composition of Ghana in the first postindepen- 
dence population census of 1960 was 41 percent Christian, 38 
percent traditionalist, 12 percent Muslim, and the rest (about 9 
percent) no religious affiliation. A breakdown of the 1960 pop- 
ulation according to Christian sects showed that 25 percent 
were Protestant (non-Pentecostal); 13 percent, Roman Catho- 
lic; 2 percent, Protestant (Pentecostal); and 1 percent, Inde- 



102 



Woman pounding cassava 
to make foo foo, a starchy 
staple of the Ghanaian diet 
Courtesy life in general 
(Brook, Rose, and Cooper 
Le Van) 



pendent African Churches. The 1970 population census did 
not present figures on the religious composition of the nation. 

The percentage of the general population considered to be 
Christian rose sharply to 62 percent according to a 1985 esti- 
mate. Whereas the Protestant (non-Pentecostal) sector 
remained at 25 percent, the percentage of Catholics increased 
to 15 percent. A larger rise, however, was recorded for Protes- 
tants (Pentecostals) — 8 percent compared with their 2 percent 
representation in 1960. From being the smallest Christian sect, 
with a 1 percent representation among the general population 
in 1960, membership in the Independent African Churches 
rose the most — to about 14 percent by 1985. The 1985 estimate 
also showed that the Muslim population of Ghana rose to 15 
percent. Conversely, the sector representing traditionalists and 
non-believers (38 and 9 percent, respectively, in 1960), saw dra- 
matic declines by 1985 — to 21 and about 1 percent, respec- 
tively. This shift, especially the increase in favor of the 
Independent African Churches, attests to the success of 
denominations that have adjusted their doctrines to suit local 
beliefs (see Syncretic Religions, this ch.). 

Religious tolerance in Ghana is very high. The major Chris- 
tian celebrations of Christmas and Easter are recognized as 
national holidays. In the past, vacation periods have been 



103 



Ghana: A Country Study 



planned around these occasions, thus permitting both Chris- 
tians and others living away from home to visit friends and fam- 
ily in the rural areas. Ramadan, the Islamic month of fasting, is 
observed by Muslims across the country. Important traditional 
occasions are celebrated by the respective ethnic groups. These 
festivals include the Adae, which occur fortnightly, and the 
annual Odwira festivals of the Akan. On these sacred occasions, 
the Akan ancestors are venerated. There are also the annual 
Homowo activities of the Ga-Adangbe, during which people 
return to their home towns to gather together, to greet new 
members of the family, and to remember the dead. The reli- 
gious rituals associated with these festivities are strictly 
observed by the traditional elders of the respective ethic 
groups. 

Christianity and Islam in Ghana 

The presence of Christian missionaries on the coast of 
Ghana has been dated to the arrival of the Portuguese in the 
fifteenth century. It was the Basel/Presbyterian and Wesleyan/ 
Methodist missionaries, however, who, in the nineteenth cen- 
tury, laid the foundation for the Christian church in Ghana. 
Beginning their conversions in the coastal area and among the 
Akwapim, these missionaries established schools as "nurseries 
of the church" in which an educated African class was trained. 
Almost all major secondary schools today, especially exclusively 
boys and girls schools, are mission- or church-related institu- 
tions. Although churches continue to influence the develop- 
ment of education in the country, church schools have been 
opened to all since the state assumed financial responsibility 
for formal instruction under the Education Act of 1960. 

Various Christian denominations are well represented in 
Ghana. The Volta region has a high concentration of Evangeli- 
cal Presbyterians. Many Akwapim are Presbyterians, and the 
Methodist denomination is strongly represented among the 
Fante. The Roman Catholic Church is fairly well represented in 
Central Region and Ashanti Region. Although no official fig- 
ures exist to reflect regional distribution of the various denom- 
inations, it is generally agreed that the southern part of the 
nation is more Christian, while the north is more Islamic. 

The unifying organization of Christians in the country is the 
Christian Council of Ghana, founded in 1929. Representing 
the Methodist, Anglican, Mennonite, Presbyterian, Evangelical 
Presbyterian, African Methodist Episcopal Zionist, Christian 



104 



The Society and Its Environment 

Methodist, Evangelical Lutheran, F'Eden, and Baptist 
churches, and the Society of Friends, the council serves as the 
link with the World Council of Churches and other ecumenical 
bodies. The National Catholic Secretariat, established in 1960, 
also coordinates the different in-country dioceses. These Chris- 
tian organizations, concerned primarily with the spiritual 
affairs of their congregations, have occasionally acted in cir- 
cumstances described by the government as political. Such was 
the case in 1991 when both the Catholic Bishops Conference 
and the Christian Council of Ghana called on the military gov- 
ernment of the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC) 
to return the country to constitutional rule. The Roman Catho- 
lic newspaper, The Standard, was often critical of PNDC policies. 

In the north, Islam predominates. Islam is based on what 
Muslims believe are the divine revelations received in seventh- 
century Arabia by the Prophet Muhammad. His life is 
recounted as the early history of the religion, beginning with 
his travels from the Arabian town of Mecca about A.D. 610. His 
condemnation of the polytheistic practices of the people of 
Mecca caused him to become an outcast. In A.D. 622 Muham- 
mad was invited to the town of Yathrib, which became known as 
Medina (the city) through its association with him. The move, 
or hijra, known in the West as the hegira, marks the beginning 
of the Islamic Era and the Islamic calendar, as well as the inau- 
guration of Islam as a powerful force in history. In Medina, 
Muhammad continued his preaching, ultimately defeated his 
detractors in battle, and consolidated his influence as both 
temporal and spiritual leader of most Arabs before his death in 
A.D. 632. 

After Muhammad's death, his followers compiled those of 
his words that were regarded as coming directly from God into 
the Quran, the holy scripture of Islam. Other sayings and 
teachings as well as precedents of his behavior as recalled by 
those who knew him became the hadith ("sayings"). From 
these sources, the faithful constructed the Prophet's customary 
practice, or sunna, which they endeavor to emulate. The 
Quran, hadith, and sunna form a comprehensive guide to the 
spiritual, ethical, and social life of the faithful in most Muslim 
countries. 

The God preached by Muhammad was previously known to 
his countrymen. Rather than introducing a new deity, Muham- 
mad denied the existence of the pantheon of gods and spirits 
worshipped before his prophethood and declared the omnipo- 



105 



Ghana: A Country Study 

tence of God, the unique creator. Muhammad is the "Seal of 
the Prophets," the last of the prophetic line. His revelations are 
said to complete for all time the series of revelations that were 
given earlier to Jews and Christians. Islam reveres as sacred 
only the message, not the Prophet. It accepts the concepts of 
guardian angels, the Day of Judgment, resurrection, and the 
eternal life of the soul. 

The central requirement of Islam is submission to the will of 
God (Allah), and, accordingly, a Muslim is a person who has 
submitted his will to God. The most important demonstration 
of faith is the shahada (profession of faith), which states that 
"There is no God but God (Allah), and Muhammad is his 
prophet." Salat (daily prayer), zakat (almsgiving), sawm (fast- 
ing), and hajj (pilgrimage to Mecca) are also required of all 
Muslims. 

The spread of Islam into West Africa, beginning with ancient 
Ghana in the ninth century, was mainly the result of the com- 
mercial activities of North African Muslims (see The Precolo- 
nial Period, ch. 1). The empires of both Mali and Songhai that 
followed ancient Ghana in the Western Sudan adopted the reli- 
gion. Islam made its entry into the northern territories of mod- 
ern Ghana around the fifteenth century. Mande or Wangara 
traders and clerics carried the religion into the area. The 
northeastern sector of the country was also influenced by Mus- 
lims who escaped the Hausa jihads of northern Nigeria in the 
early nineteenth century. 

Most Ghanaian Muslims are Sunni, following the Maliki ver- 
sion of Islamic law. Sufism, involving the organization of mysti- 
cal brotherhoods (tariqa) for the purification and spread of 
Islam, is not widespread in Ghana. The Tijaniyah and the Qadi- 
riyah brotherhoods, however, are represented. The 
Ahmadiyah, a Shia (see Glossary) sect originating in nine- 
teenth-century India, is the only non-Sunni order in the coun- 
try. 

Despite the spread of Islamism (popularly known as Islamic 
fundamentalism) in the Middle East, North Africa, and even in 
Nigeria since the mid-1970s, Ghanaian Muslims and Christians 
have had excellent relations. Guided by the authority of the 
Muslim Representative Council, religious, social, and eco- 
nomic matters affecting Muslims have often been redressed 
through negotiations. The Muslim Council has also been 
responsible for arranging pilgrimages to Mecca for believers 
who can afford the journey. In spite of these achievements, the 



106 



The Society and Its Environment 



council has not succeeded in taking initiatives for the upgrad- 
ing of Islamic schools beyond the provision of basic Quranic 
instruction. This may explain the economic and technological 
gap between Muslims and non-Muslims. The Ghanaian 
Ahmadiyah Movement, which has established a number of 
vocational training centers, hospitals, and some secondary 
schools, is an exception. 

Traditional Religion 

Despite the presence of Islam and Christianity, traditional 
religions in Ghana have retained their influence because of 
their intimate relation to family loyalties and local mores. The 
traditional cosmology expresses belief in a supreme being 
(referred to by the Akan as Nyame and by the Ewe as Mawu). 
The supreme being is usually thought of as remote from daily 
religious life and is, therefore, not directly worshipped. There 
are also lesser gods that take "residency" in streams, rivers, 
trees, and mountains. These gods are generally perceived as 
intermediaries between the supreme being and society. Ances- 
tors and numerous other spirits are also recognized as part of 
the cosmological order. 

For all Ghanaian ethnic groups, the spirit world is consid- 
ered to be as real as the world of the living. The dual worlds of 
the mundane and the sacred are linked by a network of mutual 
relationships and responsibilities. The action of the living, for 
example, can affect the gods or spirits of the departed, while 
the support of family or "tribal" ancestors ensures prosperity of 
the lineage or state. Neglect, it is believed, might spell doom. 

Veneration of departed ancestors is a major characteristic of 
all traditional religions. The ancestors are believed to be the 
most immediate link with the spiritual world, and they are 
thought to be constantly near, observing every thought and 
action of the living. Some ancestors may even be reincarnated 
to replenish the lineage. Barrenness is, therefore, considered a 
great misfortune because it prevents ancestors from returning 
to life. 

To ensure that a natural balance is maintained between the 
world of the sacred and that of the profane, the roles of the 
chief within the state, family elders in relation to the lineage, 
and the priest within society are crucial. The religious func- 
tions, especially of chiefs and lineage heads, are clearly demon- 
strated during such periods as the Odwira of the Akan, the 
Homowo of the Ga-Adangbe, or the Aboakyir of the Efutu 



107 



Ghana: A Country Study 

(coastal Guan), when the people are organized in activities that 
renew and strengthen relations with their ancestors. Such activ- 
ities include the making of sacrifices and the pouring of liba- 
tions. 

The religious activities of chiefs and lineage heads are gener- 
ally limited to the more routine biweekly and annual festivities, 
but traditional priests — given their association with specific 
shrines — are regarded as specialized practitioners through 
whom the spirits of the gods may grant directions. Priests 
undergo vigorous training in the arts of medicine, divination, 
and other related disciplines and are, therefore, consulted on a 
more regular basis by the public. Because many diseases are 
believed to have spiritual causes, traditional priests sometimes 
act as doctors or herbalists. Shrine visitation is strongest among 
the uneducated and in rural communities. This fact, however, 
does not necessarily suggest that the educated Ghanaian has 
totally abandoned tradition; some educated and mission- 
trained individuals do consult traditional oracles in times of cri- 
sis. 

Syncretic Religions 

The rise of Apostolic or Pentecostal churches across the 
nation partly demonstrates the impact of social change and the 
eclectic nature of traditional cultures. These establishments, 
referred to by some as separatist or spiritual churches or cults, 
combine traditional beliefs in magic and divination with ele- 
ments of Christianity. The major emphasis of the cults is on 
curative and preventive remedies, chants, and charms, such as 
"holy water," designed to ward off the power of witches and 
malevolent forces. Cults also offer social activities in addition to 
their religious and medical roles. Some have rival drum societ- 
ies and singing groups that are highly popular among the 
young and women. To their adherents, these cults seem to 
offer a sense of security derived from belonging to a religious 
group that is new yet maintains the characteristics of tradi- 
tional forms of occult consultation. The increasing popularity 
of these churches (Independent African and Pentecostal) is 
reflected in figures for membership, which rose from 1 and 2 
percent, respectively, in 1960, to 14 and 8 percent, respectively, 
according to a 1985 estimate. 

Although freedom of religion exists in Ghana, a Religious 
Bodies (Registration) Law 2989 was passed in June 1989 to reg- 
ulate churches. By requiring certification of all Christian reli- 



108 



A tendaana, or priest of the 
land, in front of his shrine 
in far northern Ghana 
(Talensi area) 
Courtesy life in general 
(Brook, Rose, and Cooper 
Le Van) 



gious organizations operating in Ghana, the government 
reserved the right to inspect the functioning of these bodies 
and to order the auditing of their financial statements. The 
Ghana Council of Churches interpreted the Religious Bodies 
Law as contradicting the concept of religious freedom in the 
country. According to a government statement, however, the 
law was designed to protect the freedom and integrity of genu- 
ine religious organizations by exposing and eliminating groups 
established to take advantage of believers. The PNDC repealed 
the law in late 1992. Despite its provisions, all orthodox Chris- 
tian denominations and many spiritual churches continued to 
operate in the country. 

Health and Welfare 

In precolonial Ghana, as in the rest of sub-Saharan Africa, 
traditional priests were important in providing treatment for 
the sick. The role of village priests in the medical sphere 
reflected the belief that unexplained illness, misfortune, and 
premature death were caused by supernatural agents. In the 
treatment of illness, therefore, the usual process was for the 
priest to use divination to determine the source of the malady 
and to suggest sacrifices to appease the causal agents before 
herbal medicine was prescribed for the patient. Since the intro- 



109 



Ghana: A Country Study 

duction of Islam in Ghana in the fourteenth century, Muslim 
clerics have also been known to provide spiritual treatment and 
protection in the form of charms and amulets derived from 
Quranic beliefs. 

The role of the village priests, who provided medical advice 
and sometimes treatment for the sick, has often been stressed 
over that of the herbalists, who served their communities solely 
as dispensers of medicinal herbs. Recent scholarship, however, 
has shown that villagers in the premodern era understood ill- 
ness and misfortune to originate from both natural and super- 
natural sources. Even after a spiritually caused ailment was 
identified and the proper rituals performed, the final cure was 
usually via the application of medicinal herbs — a situation that 
made knowledge of the medicinal value of plants and herbs 
important. Herbal medicine was used in the treatment of diar- 
rhea and stomach pains, for dressing wounds, as an antidote 
for poisons, and to stabilize pregnancies. Traditional healers 
continue to be relied upon, especially in the rural areas where 
modern health services are limited. 

The medical value of traditional remedies varies. While the 
medicinal properties of herbs cannot be denied, in some cases 
herbs may be harmful and may result in severe infections or 
even death. It was for this reason that an association of tradi- 
tional healers was formed in the 1960s with its headquarters at 
Nsawam in Greater Accra Region. The Traditional Healers' 
Association has tried to preserve the integrity of traditional 
medicinal practice. Its members have also attempted to assure 
the government, through the Ministry of Health, that the dis- 
pensation of herbal medicine has a role to play in modern 
medical practice in Ghana. 

Western medicine was first introduced into the Gold Coast 
by Christian missionaries and missionary societies in the nine- 
teenth century. Missionaries were almost the sole providers of 
modern medicine until after World War I. Important mission- 
ary medical facilities in Ghana today include Catholic-affiliated 
hospitals in Sunyani and Tamale, the Muslim Ahmadiyah facili- 
ties at Efiduasi-Asokori, and a Presbyterian hospital at Agogo in 
Eastern Region. 

Attempts by the central government to expand Western 
medical care in the country were given serious consideration 
during the tenure of Frederick Gordon Guggisberg ( 1919-2 V) 
as governor of the Gold Coast. As part of his ten-year develop- 
ment program, Guggisberg proposed town improvements, 



110 



The Society and Its Environment 



improved water supply, and the construction of hospitals. It was 
during his era that Korle Bu, the first teaching hospital in the 
Gold Coast, was completed in 1925. 

Since the end of World War II, the World Health Organiza- 
tion (WHO) and the United Nations Children's Fund 
(UNICEF) have provided financial and technical assistance for 
the elimination of diseases and the improvement of health 
standards. A shortage of medical specialists exists, however, and 
local facilities for training medical personnel need to be 
expanded and updated. As a consequence, many Ghanaians in 
the immediate post-World War II period continued to rely on 
traditional doctors and herbalists. 

Despite efforts to improve medical conditions in the decades 
following World War II, the first postindependence census of 
1960 did not provide data on the medical situation in Ghana. 
There was still no regular system for gathering medical statis- 
tics by the mid-1960s and no suggestion that one would be 
developed by 1970. During that period, available figures were 
gathered from scattered samplings and were collected on a 
haphazard basis or were the summation of hospital records and 
United Nations projections. Thus, only partial information 
about the total health situation was available. Records from the 
1984 census and newspaper reports on seminars conducted on 
health-related issues, especially since the mid-1980s, now make 
it easier to evaluate national health. 

Health Care 

Ghana has the full range of diseases endemic to a sub- 
Saharan country. According to WHO, common diseases 
include cholera, typhoid, pulmonary tuberculosis, anthrax, 
pertussis, tetanus, chicken pox, yellow fever, measles, infectious 
hepatitis, trachoma, malaria, and schistosomiasis. Others are 
guinea worm or dracunculiasis, various kinds of dysentery, river 
blindness or onchocerciasis, several kinds of pneumonia, dehy- 
dration, venereal diseases, and poliomyelitis. According to a 
1974 report, more than 75 percent of all preventable diseases 
at that time were waterborne. In addition, malnutrition and 
diseases acquired through insect bites continued to be com- 
mon. 

WHO lists malaria and measles as the leading causes of pre- 
mature death in Ghana. Among children under five years of 
age, 70 percent of deaths are caused by infections com- 
pounded by malnutrition. Guinea worm reached epidemic 



111 



Ghana: A Country Study 

proportions, especially in the northern part of the country, in 
1988-89. Cerebral spinal meningitis also spread in the country 
and claimed a number of victims in the late 1980s. All these 
afflictions are either typical of tropical regions or common in 
developing countries. 

To improve health conditions in Ghana, the Ministry of 
Health emphasized health services research in the 1970s. In 
addition, WHO and the government worked closely in the 
early 1980s to control schistosomiasis in man-made bodies of 
water. Efforts have been intensified since 1980 to improve the 
nation's sanitation facilities and access to safe water. The per- 
centage of the national population that had access to safe water 
rose from 49.2 in 1980 to 57.2 percent in 1987. During that 
same period, the 25.6 percent of the population with access to 
sanitation services (public latrines, rubbish disposal, etc.) rose 
to 30.3 percent. According to WHO, however, many of the 
reported sanitation advances have been made in urban areas 
and not in rural communities where the majority of the popu- 
lation lives. 

On the whole, however, Ghana's health conditions are 
improving. The result is reflected in the decline in infant mor- 
tality from 120 per 1,000 live births in 1965 to 86 per 1,000 live 
births in 1989, and a rate of overall life expectancy that 
increased from an average of forty-four years in 1970 to fifty-six 
years in 1993. To reduce the country's infant mortality rate fur- 
ther, the government initiated the Expanded Program on 
Immunization in February 1989 as part of a ten-year Health 
Action Plan to improve the delivery of health services. The gov- 
ernment action was taken a step farther by the Greater Accra 
Municipal Council, which declared child immunization a pre- 
requisite for admission to public schools. 

Modern medical services in Ghana are provided by the cen- 
tral government, local institutions, Christian missions (private 
nonprofit agencies), and a relatively small number of private 
for-profit practitioners. According to the United Nations, 
about 60.2 percent of the country's total population in 1975 
depended on government or quasi-government health centers 
for medical care. Of the available health facilities represented 
in the 1984 census, about 62.9 percent were still described as 
government and quasi-government institutions. Mission hospi- 
tals represented a large percentage of the remainder, while pri- 
vate hospitals constituted less than 2 percent of modern 
medical care facilities (see table 4, Appendix). 



112 



The Society and Its Environment 



The medical system in Ghana comes under the jurisdiction 
of the Ministry of Health, which is also charged with the con- 
trol of dangerous drugs, narcotics, scientific research, and the 
professional qualifications of medical personnel. Regional and 
district medical matters fall under the jurisdiction of trained 
medical superintendents. Members of the national Psychic and 
Healers' Association have also been recognized by the govern- 
ment since 1969. Over the years, all administrative branches of 
the Ministry of Health have worked closely with city, town, and 
village councils in educating the population in sanitation mat- 
ters. 

Many modern medical facilities exist in Ghana, but these are 
not evenly distributed across the country. Ministry of Health 
figures for 1990 showed that there were 18,477 hospital beds 
for the estimated national population of 15 million. World 
Bank (see Glossary) figures showed that in 1965 there was one 
physician to every 13,740 patients in Ghana. The ratio widened 
to one to 20,460 in 1989. In neighboring Togo, the doctor-to- 
patient ratio of one to 23,240 in 1965 improved to one to 8,700 
in 1989; it was one to 29,530 in 1965 and one to 6,160 in 1989 
for Nigeria, whereas in Burkina, the ratio of one to 73,960 in 
1965 worsened to one to 265,250 in 1989. These figures show 
that while the doctor-patient ratio in Ghana gradually became 
less favorable, the ratio in neighboring countries, with the 
exception of Burkina, was rapidly improving. 

The ratio of nurses to patients in Ghana (one to 3,730 in 
1965), however, improved to one to 1,670 by 1989. Compared 
to Togo (one nurse to 4,990 patients in 1965 and one to 1,240 
in 1989) and Burkina (one to 4,150 in 1965 and one to 1,680 in 
1989), the rate of improvement in Ghana was slow. The 
improvement in Nigeria's nurse-to-patient ratio from one to 
6,160 in 1965 to one to 1,900 in 1989 was exceptional. A rapidly 
growing Ghanaian population was not the only reason for unfa- 
vorable ratios of medical staff to patients; similar population 
growth was experienced in neighboring West African coun- 
tries. Insofar as the Ghana Medical Association and the various 
nurses associations were concerned, better salaries and work- 
ing conditions in Nigeria, for example, were significant vari- 
ables in explaining the attraction of that country for Ghanaian 
physicians and other medical personnel. This attraction was 
especially true for male and, therefore, more mobile medical 
workers, as shown by the arguments of various health workers' 



113 



Ghana: A Country Study 

associations in 1990 during demonstrations in support of 
claims for pay raises and improved working conditions. 

Ghana adopted a number of policies to ensure an improved 
health sector. These included the introduction of minimum 
fees paid by patients to augment state funding for health ser- 
vices and a national insurance plan introduced in 1989. Also in 
1989, the construction of additional health centers was intensi- 
fied to expand primary health care to about 60 percent of the 
rural community. Hitherto, less than 40 percent of the rural 
population had access to primary health care, and fewer than 
half of Ghanaian children were immunized against various 
childhood diseases. The training of village health workers, 
community health workers, and traditional birth attendants 
was also intensified in the mid-1980s in order to create a pool 
of personnel to educate the population about preventive mea- 
sures necessary for a healthy community. 

Since 1986 efforts to improve health conditions in Ghana 
have been strengthened through the efforts of Global 2000 
(see Glossary). Although primarily an agricultural program, 
Global 2000 has also provided basic health education, espe- 
cially in the northern parts of the country where the spread of 
guinea worm reached epidemic proportions in 1989. Reports 
on the impact of Global 2000 on health have been positive in 
other ways as well. For example, participating farmers have sig- 
nificantly increased their agricultural output — a development 
that has contributed to a decline in malnutrition. Also, the 
number of cases of guinea worm had dropped significantly by 
early 1993. 

Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS) 

In March 1986, the first case of acquired immune deficiency 
syndrome (AIDS) was reported in Ghana. In January 1991, a 
more detailed report on AIDS in Ghana appeared in which 107 
human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) positive cases were said 
to have been recorded in 1987. Three hundred thirty-three 
people were identified as HIV positive by the end of March 
1988, and there was a further increase to 2,744 by the end of 
April 1990. Of the April 1990 number, 1,226 were reported to 
have contracted AIDS. According to WHO annual reports, the 
disease continued to spread in the country. During 1991 the 
Komfo Anokye Teaching Hospital reported about fifty AIDS 
cases each month. 



114 



The Society and Its Environment 



Although the reported figures were far below the number of 
known cases in East Africa and Central Africa, they were still 
alarming for a medical system already overburdened by tradi- 
tional health problems. Seminars and conferences held to dis- 
cuss the disease included the 1990 annual conference of the 
Ghana Academy of Arts and Sciences. The conference theme 
was the impact of international prostitution and the spread of 
AIDS. The Ministry of Health, with funding from WHO, had 
also set up surveillance systems to track the AIDS virus as part 
of its medium-term (1989-93) plan. According to the program, 
a countrywide sample of both high- and low-risk groups had 
been identified for testing at regular intervals to measure the 
prevalence of the disease. A thirty-member National Advisory 
Council on AIDS was established in late 1989 to advise the gov- 
ernment on policy matters relating to the control and preven- 
tion of AIDS in the country. The Ministry of Health lacks 
adequately trained personnel and information management 
systems to combat the disease. 

Because of the continued spread of infection and improved 
reporting, the country recorded 12,500 AIDS cases by the end 
of 1994, placing Ghana second only to neighboring Cote d'lvo- 
ire, where more than 16,600 cases of AIDS were recorded, in 
the West Africa subregion. Of the Ghanaian AIDS cases, about 
8,000 were people aged fifteen to forty-five; the remainder 
were mostly children aged five to ten. At the same time, Ghana- 
ian health officials estimated the number of HIV positive cases 
at about 300,000. The incidence of HIV positive and AIDS 
cases was highest in Ashanti Region. 

The most-affected age-group in Ghana is young working 
adults. Some 70 percent of the total infected population is 
female; on the basis of this finding, the Ministry of Health 
anticipates a significant increase in HIV-positive births in the 
future. Considering the gravity of the problem, in February 
1994 the National Parliament recommended that a select com- 
mittee on education and health be established to study and 
make recommendations for measures to control AIDS. In the 
meantime, radio, television, and billboard advertisements are 
being used as part of a national AIDS awareness program. 

Social Welfare 

In precolonial Ghanaian societies, it was normal for individ- 
uals to receive economic assistance from members of their 
extended families — including paternal and maternal uncles, 



115 



Ghana: A Country Study 

aunts, grandparents, and cousins. The practice of expecting 
assistance from family members grew out of the understanding 
that the basis of family wealth derived from land and labor, 
both inherited from common ancestors. Even as individuals 
sought help from extended family members, they were in turn 
required to fulfill certain responsibilities, such as contributing 
labor when needed or participating in activities associated with 
rites of passage of family members. It is because of this mutual 
interdependence of the members of the family that anthropol- 
ogist Robert S. Rattray defined the extended family in Ghana 
as the primary political unit. Today, the same system of welfare 
assistance prevails in rural areas, where more than two-thirds of 
the country's population resides. 

Legislation for the provision of a modern national social 
security system went into effect in 1965. Further legislation was 
passed in 1970 to convert the system into a pension plan to pro- 
vide for sickness, maternity, and work-related injury benefits. 
Government welfare programs at the time were the responsibil- 
ity of the Department of Social Welfare under the Ministry of 
Labour and Social Welfare (now the Ministry of Mobilization 
and Social Welfare). As the national economy was reformed, 
the Workers' Compensation Act of 1986 was passed to guaran- 
tee wages to workers in the private sector while they were 
undergoing treatment for work-related injuries. 

These plans, however, applied only to individuals employed 
in the formal sector of the economy. With about two-thirds of 
the country's population residing in rural areas, and with most 
urban residents engaged outside the formal economy, the tra- 
ditional pattern of social security based on kin obligations still 
functions. In rural areas, individuals continue to turn to mem- 
bers of the extended family for financial aid and guidance, and 
the family is expected to provide for the welfare of every mem- 
ber. In villages, towns, and cities, this mutual assistance system 
operates within the larger kinship units of lineage and clan. In 
large urban areas, religious, social, and professionally based 
mutual assistance groups have become popular as a way to 
address professional and urban problems beyond the scope of 
the traditional kinship social security system (see Urban Soci- 
ety, this ch.). 

According to a 1988 newspaper report, housing has become 
a major problem for city dwellers. The report indicated that 
former governments largely ignored the problem, thereby 
allowing the situation to reach an alarming state. The result is 



116 



The Society and Its Environment 



an acute shortage of affordable rental housing for urban work- 
ers and students, who have to pay exorbitant rents. This short- 
age in turn has resulted in working husbands' leaving their 
families in their home villages and returning only when their 
work schedules allow them time to visit. 

The introduction of the "Rural Manifesto" of 1984 was an 
attempt by the PNDC administration to address a general 
development problem that included urban housing. According 
to thel984 plan, many services, such as the provision of pipe- 
borne water, banking facilities, and electricity, were to be intro- 
duced to the rural areas, thereby making such locations attrac- 
tive to workers and others who might otherwise migrate to 
towns and cities. Because the implementation of these services, 
especially rural electrification, began in earnest only in the late 
1980s, the plan's impact on rural-urban flow was as yet uncer- 
tain in the early 1990s. 

Education 

The dominant mode of transmitting knowledge in the pre- 
colonial societies of the Guinea Coast was through apprentice- 
ship as smiths, drummers, or herbalists. By observing adult 
skills, or through proverbs, songs, and stories, children learned 
proper roles and behavior. Also, at various stages in life, espe- 
cially during the puberty rites for young adults, intensive moral 
and ethical instruction from family or societal elders was given. 
The purpose of that "informal" education was to ensure that 
the individual was able to satisfy the basic traditional or com- 
munal needs, such as motherhood for women, and hunting, 
long-distance trading, or farming for men. It was also impor- 
tant that the religious sanctions associated with the various pro- 
fessions and stages in life be understood because the 
traditional society saw close relationships between religious 
and mundane activities. 

Western-style education was introduced into the Gold Coast 
by missionaries as early as 1765. Many of these institutions, 
established by Presbyterian and Methodist missionaries, were 
located in the south of the country in what became the British 
Gold Coast Colony (see Christianity and Islam in Ghana, this 
ch.). In 1852 the British colonial government instituted a poll 
tax to raise money to support public schools, but the measure 
became unpopular and was abolished in 1861. Mission schools 
continued to spread, however, and by 1881 more than 139 had 
been established with an enrollment of about 5,000 students. 



117 



Ghana: A Country Study 

A board of education was set up in the 1880s to inspect 
schools and to standardize their management. Grants were 
established for private schools that met government standards, 
and the government devised regulations for the recognition of 
new schools. Primary education was emphasized until limited 
secondary education was introduced in the early 1900s. 

After World War I, the development of education was given 
additional impetus under Governor Guggisberg. His education 
policies stressed the need for improved teacher training, equal 
education for girls, a greater emphasis on vocational training, 
and the establishment of secondary schools. In the governor's 
ten-year development plan, which was announced in 1919, edu- 
cation was given a special place, partly because of his goal of 
replacing Europeans with educated Africans in many adminis- 
trative positions within the country. The policies were not fully 
implemented, especially at the secondary and vocational levels, 
but the Achimota School, a first-class secondary school 
designed to train Ghanaians for the lower levels of the civil ser- 
vice, was established in 1927. Although English remained the 
principal language of instruction in the school system, vernacu- 
lar languages were also allowed in the primary schools, and the 
publication of textbooks in these languages began in earnest. 

Stimulated by nationalist ideas of political and economic 
self-determination from the 1930s through the 1940s, popular 
demand for education reached such proportions that the com- 
bined efforts of the colonial government and the missions 
could not satisfy it. The result was the opening of hundreds of 
schools by local groups and individuals. The Convention Peo- 
ple's Party (CPP) promise of free instruction during the 1951 
election campaign was made in response to an increasing 
demand for education. Whereas some parents in the northern 
regions of the country resisted enrollment of their children, 
many in the south encouraged formal instruction because it 
was regarded as a virtual guarantee of acquiring white-collar 
jobs and wage-earning positions. Western education was 
accepted more readily in the southern sector of the country 
because Christian missionaries had been in that area longer 
than they had been in the north. The purpose of the CPP's free 
and compulsory education policy was to make formal educa- 
tion available to all at minimum cost. 

In 1952 the CCP-led government drew up the Accelerated 
Development Plan for Education. The program, which became 
a reality in 1961, was designed to provide an education for 



118 




Korle Bu Hospital in Accra 
Courtesy Embassy of Ghana, Washington 
The University of Ghana at Legon 
Courtesy Embassy of Ghana, Washington 



119 



Ghana: A Country Study 

every child aged six and above. To achieve this goal, the central 
government took responsibility for teacher training and 
funded schools through the Ministry of Education. Since this 
time, a considerable portion of the national budget has been 
spent on educating the population. Various attempts to shift 
the cost to students and parents, especially at the university 
level, have met great resistance. 

The Education System 

The country's education system at the beginning of the 
1993-94 academic year comprised primary schools, junior sec- 
ondary schools, senior secondary schools, polytechnic (techni- 
cal and vocational) institutions, teacher training colleges, and 
university-level institutions. 

In 1990-91, the latest year for which preliminary govern- 
ment statistics were available, 1.8 million pupils were attending 
more than 9,300 primary schools; 609,000 students were 
enrolled in about 5,200 junior secondary schools; and nearly 
200,000 students were enrolled in some 250 senior secondary 
schools (see table 5, Appendix). In the mid-1980s, teachers on 
each of these levels numbered approximately 51,000, 25,000, 
and 8,800, respectively. In addition, 1989-90 enrollment in 
Ghana's approximately twenty-six polytechnic schools totalled 
almost 11,500 students; the teacher corps for these schools 
numbered 422. Education is free, although students have 
recently begun to pay textbook fees. The Education Act of 1960 
foresaw universal education, but the constraints of economic 
underdevelopment meant that by the early 1990s this goal had 
not been realized. On the primary level, instruction is con- 
ducted in the local vernacular, although English is taught as a 
second language. Beyond primary school, however, English is 
the medium of instruction in an education system that owes 
much to British models. 

Before the introduction of reforms in the mid-1980s, stu- 
dents at what was then the middle-school level took either the 
Middle School Leaving Certificate Examination and termi- 
nated their studies, or, at any time from seventh to tenth grade, 
the Common Entrance Examination, which admitted them to 
secondary or technical study. With the traditional six years of 
primary education, four years of middle schooling, and a 
seven-year secondary education (five years of preparation 
toward the Ordinary Level Certificate and two years of 
Advanced Level training) before entering degree-granting 



120 



The Society and Its Environment 



institutions, the average age of the first-year university student 
in Ghana was often about twenty-five. 

Most students, however, did not continue formal instruction 
after the first ten years of education. Of the 145,400 students 
completing middle school in 1960, for example, only 14,000 
sought secondary education. In 1970 only 9,300 of the more 
than 424,500 leaving middle school were admitted into second- 
ary schools. Ministry of Education data for the 1984-85 aca- 
demic year showed that of the 1.8 million students completing 
ten years of primary and middle schooling, only 125,600 con- 
tinued into secondary schools, while fewer than 20,000 entered 
vocational and technical institutions. That same year, approxi- 
mately 7,900 students were enrolled in the universities. 

Although the government provides free tuition to all chil- 
dren of school age, and notwithstanding the fact that schools 
can be found all across the country, 1989-90 government statis- 
tics showed that more males continued to be enrolled in 
schools than females. In the first six grades of the educational 
system, only 45 percent of the students enrolled were female. 
The percentage of females in the school system decreased to 33 
percent at the secondary school level, to 27 percent in poly- 
technical institutions, and to as low as 19 percent within the 
universities. Disparities in the male-female ratios found in the 
schools had not improved significantly by 1990-91. The 
emphasis on male education doubtless reflects traditional 
social values, which view the reproductive abilities of women as 
their primary role in life, while men are valued as breadwin- 
ners and, therefore, in need of education to compete in the 
contemporary economy (see The Position of Women, this ch.). 

Despite a number of committee reports and proposals for 
educational reform, until mid-1980 the education system con- 
tinued to place emphasis on traditional academic studies. Pro- 
ponents of reform argued that the country's development 
needs required an education system that, beginning at the mid- 
dle-school level, placed equal emphasis on training students in 
vocational and technical skills. It was further suggested that 
reforms could contribute to reducing the number of students 
who dropped out of school for lack of interest in traditional 
academic studies. 

Partly as a result of earlier proposals for reform and partly in 
keeping with the government's economic reform program, 
fundamental change in the educational structure of the coun- 
try was undertaken in the mid-1980s. The overall goals were to 



121 



Ghana: A Country Study 

make curricula at all levels more relevant to the economic 
needs of the country, to reduce the length of pre-university 
instruction, and to improve the quality of teacher preparation. 
Increased enrollment in primary schools and a reduction in 
the rate of illiteracy were also to be pursued. The reforms were 
to be implemented in two phases: those for primary and mid- 
dle schools were to be introduced in 1987-89, and those for 
secondary schools and the universities, in 1990-93. 

The much-discussed changes in education became a reality 
in 1987 when all seventh-grade students, who otherwise would 
have entered the traditional first year of middle school, were 
instead admitted into new junior secondary schools (JSS) to 
begin a three-year combined training program in vocational, 
technical, and academic studies. The JSS system was a radical 
change in the structure of education in the country. It replaced 
the four-year middle school and the first three years of the tra- 
ditional five-year secondary school system. After three years at 
the JSS, three years further training would be available in 
senior secondary schools (SSS), after which students could 
enter polytechnic institutions or the universities. 

Pioneers in the JSS system sat for the first Basic Certificate of 
Education Examination in 1990. In this same year, seniors of 
the old middle-school system took the last Middle School Leav- 
ing Certificate Examination. Supporters of the JSS argued that 
the system would attract more students into technical, voca- 
tional, business, and agricultural institutions. It was also sug- 
gested that those students who did not gain admission into the 
SSS would be better equipped to enter the job market. Results 
of the first SSS certificate examination, announced in May 
1994, however, showed that only 3.9 percent of students 
received passing marks. This poor showing was attributed to 
lack of textbooks, equipment, and trained teachers, and to 
inadequate time to prepare for the examination. Despite loud 
protests from students and parents, reform of the education 
system remained on course. 

In addition to revamping middle-school education, changes 
were also introduced on all other educational levels. Fees for 
textbooks and supplies were instituted, primary curricula were 
revised, and food and housing subsidies were reduced or elimi- 
nated in secondary schools and the universities. In the early 
1990s, however, the government appeared to be moving slowly 
in implementing further proposed reforms, such as new curric- 
ula in secondary schools and restructuring of the universities. 



122 



The Society and Its Environment 



In the early 1990s, higher education was available at three 
institutions — the University of Ghana (located principally at 
Legon outside Accra), founded in 1948 as the University Col- 
lege of the Gold Coast; the University of Science and Technol- 
ogy at Kumasi, opened officially in 1952 as the Kumasi College 
of Technology; and the University of Cape Coast at Cape Coast, 
founded in 1961. In 1989-90 enrollment at all three institu- 
tions totalled 9,251, of whom 19 percent were female. In addi- 
tion, large numbers of Ghanaians went abroad for university 
education, as they had in the past. 

In anticipation that the newJSS and SSS structures would 
increase the number of students seeking advanced technical 
training, two more universities were proposed. The specialist 
institutions or colleges at Winneba, which offered post-second- 
ary teacher training in such subjects as art, music, and physical 
education, were to be upgraded into an independent university 
college or were to be given associate relations with the Univer- 
sity of Cape Coast. In September 1993, the University of Devel- 
opment Studies at Tamale opened. Designed initially to train 
agricultural specialists, it will eventually also offer degrees in 
health and development studies. 

Problems in Education 

At least two major educational issues faced Ghana in the 
early 1990s — the effort to shift part of the expense of educa- 
tion onto students, especially in the universities, and the future 
of the JSS innovation. Since the introduction of the Acceler- 
ated Development Plan for Education in 1952, the central gov- 
ernment has shouldered much of the financial burden of 
education. In 1972, for example, about 20.1 percent of the 
total central government expenditure was spent on education. 
This figure rose to 25.7 percent in 1989. Compared with Nige- 
ria, where only 4.5 percent and 2.8 percent of the total govern- 
ment expenditure was spent on education in 1972 and 1989, 
respectively, the Ghana figure was high even among its peers. 

Efforts by the central government to shift the cost of educa- 
tion onto students, particularly at the university level, have 
been challenged. But despite the many demonstrations that 
were organized by the various student representative councils 
and the National Union of Ghanaian Students, the govern- 
ment resolved in the latter part of the 1980s to make university 
students pay for their boarding and lodging through loans. 
This policy, among others, was the cause of the unsettled rela- 



123 



Ghana: A Country Study 



tionship between university students and the government that 
characterized the early 1990s. In March 1993, an especially seri- 
ous confrontation occurred in Accra between university stu- 
dents and police over the proposed charges. Such protests 
notwithstanding, the Ministry of Education proceeded with the 
changes for university funding on grounds that they were in 
line with the nation's Economic Recovery Program introduced 
in 1983 (see The Economic Recovery Program, ch. 3). 

The introduction of the JSS system was also problematic. It 
had been agreed upon after the Dzobo Committee, chaired by 
N.K. Dzobo of the University of Cape Coast, reported in 1974 
that the nation's educational establishment needed overhaul- 
ing. In fact, this committee afforded education specialists and 
the public the opportunity to respond to a 1972 Ministry of 
Education proposal for the introduction of junior secondary 
schools. Despite the favorable evaluation of the Ministry of 
Education proposal by the Dzobo Committee, the proposed 
changes in the structure and content of primary and secondary 
education were never implemented, perhaps because of the 
difficult economic situation of the country in the mid-1970s. 

When the JSS system was implemented in 1987, it was hailed 
by its supporters as the answer to the country's educational, 
social, and economic problems. Detractors, however, con- 
demned it because of the limited time allowed for the develop- 
ment of necessary infrastructure, such as the provision of 
workshops, before the system went into effect. As a community- 
sponsored program, the JSS became a source of endless irrita- 
tion to parents and guardians who had to contribute to build- 
ing and equipping JSS workshops. There was also the concern 
that the JSS system would ultimately lead to an unfair distribu- 
tion of educational resources because wealthier communities 
were likely to provide better facilities than those in poorer 
areas. Finally, it was argued that the JSS program did not chal- 
lenge students enough because, unlike the former Middle 
School Leaving Certificate Examinations, all students writing 
the Basic Certificate of Education Examination conducted for 
the JSS received certificates of participation. The validity of 
these arguments, as well as the long-term impact of the new 
structure and content of education on the nation's develop- 
ment, remained to be demonstrated in the early 1990s. 

Adult Education 

A mass literacy campaign was started in 1951 as part of an 
overall community development program. The primary aim 



124 



The Society and Its Environment 

was to teach adults to read and write in their own languages as 
well as in English. Efforts continued during the 1950s and the 
1960s, and in the 1970s an extensive literacy campaign was 
launched under the direction of the Ministry of Labor and 
Social Welfare using mass education teams. Literacy classes for 
adults were also conducted by local units of the Peoples' Educa- 
tion Association, a voluntary organization founded in 1949. 
This group, which included teachers, graduates, students, and 
interested persons, had branches throughout the country. 
Despite such organizational efforts, it was estimated by the 
United Nations in 1970 that about 70 percent of the nation's 
inhabitants above the age of fifteen (57 percent of males and 
82 percent of females) were illiterate. The 1970 figure was a 5 
percent improvement over an estimated 1960 adult literacy 
rate of 25 percent. 

Responding to the continued high level of illiteracy in the 
country, the government established the Institute of Adult 
Education in 1970 at the University of Ghana. The Institute was 
to furnish resident tutorial staff drawn from universities, col- 
leges, and secondary schools to teach a wide range of classes in 
different parts of the country The Institute also organized an 
annual New Year School attended by leading educators, gov- 
ernment officials, and numerous social welfare organizations. 
At such times, the achievements of the Institute as well as the 
future direction of adult education in Ghana were assessed. 

During the 1989 New Year School held at the University of 
Ghana, for example, the relationship between adult education 
and economic development was emphasized in a speech read 
by Flight Lieutenant Jerry John Rawlings, the head of state. 
Also in 1989, reliable press reports held that the adult literacy 
rate in Ghana was about 40 percent of the total population; of 
the 60 percent of the population that was illiterate, 57 percent 
was female. Even though the 1989 figure was an improvement 
over that of 1970, the National Council on Women and Devel- 
opment still expressed concern and described the low percent- 
age of literate adult females as alarming. The council 
attributed female illiteracy to high dropout rates in the ele- 
mentary schools and called on the government to find ways to 
enforce compulsory education in the country (see The Posi- 
tion of Women, this ch.). Despite such calls for educational 
improvement, there was little reason to believe that the situa- 
tion with respect to literacy had changed significantly by the 
mid-1990s. 



125 



Ghana: A Country Study 

As part of an effort to improve the overall awareness of 
women's education, various nursing and para-medical associa- 
tions organized drama troupes as a means of instructing illiter- 
ate as well as rural women about the importance of nutrition, 
of child care, of family planning, and of sending their children 
to school. In the early 1990s, the impact of such activities on 
the nation's literacy rate could not yet be assessed. 

Information on the geography of Ghana appears in a variety 
of sources. E.A. Boateng's A Geography of Ghana, published in 
1966, is probably the most valuable. Basic archaeological data 
are in publications by Timothy F. Garrard, Kwaku Effah- 
Gyamfi, David Kiyaga-Mulindwa, Merrick Posnansky, Peter L. 
Shinnie, and L.B.Crossland. Kwamina Dickson's A Historical 
Geography of Ghana and James Anquandah's Rediscovering 
Ghana's Past are recommended as good reconstructions of 
Ghana's past. 

Ethnographic information on the peoples of Ghana may be 
found in the works of Robert Sutherland Rattray, KwabenaJ.H. 
Nketia, Kwesi Yanka, Kofi Abrefa Busia, Minion Morrison, Mar- 
garet J. Field, Jack Goody, and Marion Johnson. For more 
recent information, see M.E. Kropp Dakubu's The Languages of 
Ghana. 

Much of the recent literature on Ghana describes changes in 
traditional society as it adjusts to the contemporary world. 
These often focus on the position of chiefs in relation to the 
modern state. Kofi Abrefa Busia's The Position of the Chief in the 
Modern Political System of Ashanti, A. Adu Boahen's Ghana: Evolu- 
tion and Change in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, and 
Kwame Arhin's Traditional Rule in Ghana: Past and Present are 
among the most impressive. Also significant is Peter K. Sar- 
pong's Ghana in Retrospect: Some Aspects of Ghanaian Culture. An 
extensive bibliography on the cultural environment of the 
country can be found in E.Y. Amedekey's The Culture of Ghana: 
A Bibliography. 

Population figures on Ghana and other statistical informa- 
tion can be found in the Quarterly Digest of Statistics published by 
the Government of Ghana, Statistical Service. The same office 
also published the Preliminary Report on the 1984 Census. For 
complete bibliographical information on the country's census 
figures, see Population of Ghana: An Annotated Bibliography, 



126 



The Society and Its Environment 



1980-1988, published by the Regional Institute for Population 
Studies at the University of Ghana. Excellent sources on 
women and on economic and social developments include the 
works of such scholars as Claire Robertson, Christine Oppong, 
Mason Oppenheim, and Gwendolyn Mikell. (For further infor- 
mation and complete citations, see Bibliography.) 



127 



Chapter 3. The Economy 



Gold weight in the form of a striking scorpion (As ante) 



GHANA'S ECONOMY HAS LEFT an indelible imprint on the 
country's social and political structures. Just as the presence of 
gold gave rise to the Asante confederacy and empire and 
attracted European traders and colonial rulers, so, too, were 
modern-day politicians moved to try to protect the country's 
wealth by establishing the first socialist regime in twentieth-cen- 
tury Africa. As the ambitious plans initiated by Ghana's first 
president, Kwame Nkrumah, unraveled in the late 1960s, how- 
ever, military officers seized control of the country and prom- 
ised to overturn what they perceived as a corrupt ruling class 
enriching itself from the nation's coffers. In the 1980s, military 
and civilian officials failed to revive the economy through strin- 
gent anti-corruption measures and embarked instead upon a 
restructuring of the economy. 

The transformation of Ghana's economy undertaken in the 
1980s was considered a test case for "structural adjustment" 
prescriptions advocated by international banking institutions. 
Faced with growing impoverishment in Africa as well as in 
much of the so-called developing world, the World Bank and 
the International Monetary Fund proposed radical programs 
to revive troubled economies and to restore their productivity. 
The government of Jerry John Rawlings turned to these agen- 
cies in 1983 and accepted their recommendations in exchange 
for assistance packages to ease Ghana's economic and social 
transformation. Foremost among the changes enacted in 
Ghana were the disengagement of the government from an 
active role in the economy and the encouragement of free-mar- 
ket forces to promote the efficient and productive develop- 
ment of local resources. The reformers cut government 
budgets, privatized state enterprises, devalued the currency, 
and rebuilt industrial infrastructure by means of assistance pro- 
grams. As in other countries of Africa in the 1980s, government 
was identified as the problem, and free-market forces were seen 
as the solution. 

By the 1990s, the effects of structural adjustment in Ghana 
were beginning to be assessed. According to the World Bank 
and other Western financial institutions, the economy had 
become much more stable, and production was on a more 
solid footing than it had been a decade earlier. Exports were 
up, government deficits had been reduced, and inflation was 



131 



Ghana: A Country Study 

down. Many Ghanaians, however, questioned whether the 
structural adjustment benefited all Ghanaians or just a few sec- 
tors of the economy. Critics of the World Bank charged, more- 
over, that it concentrated on infrastructure such as airports, 
roads, and other macro-economic projects that did little to 
improve the lives of the average Ghanaian. 

Under the sway of free-market forces, production had 
increased in Ghana's traditionally strong sectors, cocoa and 
gold, thereby reverting to the pre-independence economic 
structure; still, a more broadly based economy had not devel- 
oped. In addition, substantial loans had been incurred by the 
government to promote those sectors — at the expense of cur- 
rent budget expenditures such as health and education — with- 
out a compensatory increase in government revenues. 
Ironically, the tax breaks prescribed to encourage these sectors 
worked against increased government revenues, so that by 
1992 tax revenues began to drop. In addition, jobs not only 
had been cut from the once bloated public sector but also had 
not expanded in the more successful export sectors. Although 
the government claimed its finances were much healthier in 
the 1990s than in the 1980s, the long-term economic and social 
impact of structural adjustment was uncertain. 

Relying heavily on the exploitation of some non-renewable 
and even endangered resources, Ghana's economy will have to 
expand to create a broader and better balanced economy. In 
addition to cocoa, Ghana's leading export commodities are 
gold, a non-renewable resource, and timber, the harvesting of 
which has included more than eighteen endangered species of 
trees and has led to alarming deforestation. Furthermore, 
Ghana's ocean waters are seriously overfished, leading the gov- 
ernment to ban the catching of shellfish. 

According to the government, Ghana's resources could be 
used to develop local manufacturing, the goal Nkrumah tried 
to reach through direct state intervention thirty years ago. 
Local manufacturing could create jobs, cut the import bill, and 
provide a more diversified economic base. The question for 
Ghana is whether free-market forces will be more successful in 
promoting healthy economic expansion than the failed poli- 
cies of direct state intervention. 

Historical Background 

Endowed with gold and oil palms and situated between the 
trans-Saharan trade routes and the African coastline visited by 



132 



The Economy 



successive European traders, the area known today as Ghana 
has been involved in all phases of Africa's economic develop- 
ment during the last thousand years. As the economic fortunes 
of African societies have waxed and waned, so, too, have 
Ghana's, leaving that country in the early 1990s in a state of 
arrested development, unable to make the "leap" to Africa's 
next, as yet uncertain, phase of economic evolution. 

As early as the thirteenth century, present-day Ghana was 
drawn into long-distance trade, in large part because of its gold 
reserves. The trans-Saharan trade, one of the most wide-rang- 
ing trading networks of pre-modern times, involved an 
exchange of European, North African, and Saharan commodi- 
ties for the products of the African savannas and forests, includ- 
ing gold, kola nuts, and slaves. Present-day Ghana, named the 
Gold Coast by European traders, was an important source of 
the gold traded across the Sahara. Centralized states such as 
Asante controlled prices by regulating production and market- 
ing of this precious commodity (see The Pre-Colonial Period, 
ch. 1). As European navigational techniques improved in the 
fifteenth century, Portuguese and later Dutch and English trad- 
ers tried to circumvent the Saharan trade by sailing directly to 
its southernmost source on the West African coast. In 1482 the 
Portuguese built a fortified trading post at Elmina and began 
purchasing gold, ivory, and pepper from African coastal mer- 
chants. 

Although Africans for centuries had exported their raw 
materials — ivory, gold, kola nuts — in exchange for imports 
ranging from salt to foreign metals, the introduction of the 
Atlantic slave trade in the early sixteenth century changed the 
nature of African export production in fundamental ways (see 
Arrival of the Europeans, ch. 1). An increasing number of Gha- 
naians sought to enrich themselves by capturing fellow Africans 
in warfare and selling them to slave dealers from North Amer- 
ica and South America. The slaves were transported to the 
coast and sold through African merchants, using the same 
routes and connections through which gold and ivory had for- 
merly flowed. In return, Africans often received guns as pay- 
ment, which could be used to capture more slaves and, more 
importantly, to gain and preserve political power. 

An estimated ten million Africans, at least half a million 
from the Gold Coast, left the continent in this manner. Some 
economists have argued that the slave trade increased African 
economic resources and therefore did not necessarily impede 



133 



Ghana: A Country Study 

development, but others, notably historian Walter Rodney, 
have argued that by removing the continent's most valuable 
resource — humans — the slave trade robbed Africa of unknown 
invention, innovation, and production. Rodney further argues 
that the slave trade fueled a process of underdevelopment, 
whereby African societies came to rely on the export of 
resources crucial to their own economic growth, thereby pre- 
cluding local development of those resources. Although some 
scholars maintain that the subsequent economic history of this 
region supports Rodney's interpretation, no consensus exists 
on this point. Indeed, in recent years, some historians not only 
have rejected Rodney's interpretation but also have advanced 
the notion that it is the Africans themselves rather than an 
array of external forces that are to blame for the continent's 
economic plight. 

When the slave trade ended in the early years of the nine- 
teenth century, the local economy became the focus of the so- 
called legitimate trade, which the emerging industrial powers 
of Europe encouraged as a source of materials and markets to 
aid their own production and sales. The British, in particular, 
gained increasing control over the region throughout the nine- 
teenth century and promoted the production of palm oil and 
timber as well as the continuation of gold production. In 
return, Africans were inundated with imports of consumer 
goods that, unlike the luxuries or locally unavailable imports of 
the trans-Saharan trade, quickly displaced African products, 
especially textiles. 

In 1878 cacao trees were introduced from the Americas. 
Cocoa quickly became the colony's major export; Ghana pro- 
duced more than half the global yield by the 1920s. African 
farmers used kinship networks like business corporations to 
spread cocoa cultivation throughout large areas of southern 
Ghana. Legitimate trade restored the overall productivity of 
Ghana's economy; however, the influx of European goods 
began to displace indigenous industries, and farmers focused 
more on cash crops than on essential food crops for local con- 
sumption. 

When Ghana gained its independence from Britain in 1957, 
the economy appeared stable and prosperous. Ghana was the 
world's leading producer of cocoa, boasted a well-developed 
infrastructure to service trade, and enjoyed a relatively 
advanced education system. At independence, President 
Kwame Nkrumah sought to use the apparent stability of the 



134 



The Economy 



Ghanaian economy as a springboard for economic diversifica- 
tion and expansion. He began the process of moving Ghana 
from a primarily agricultural economy to a mixed agricultural- 
industrial one. Using cocoa revenues as security, Nkrumah 
took out loans to establish industries that would produce 
import substitutes as well as process many of Ghana's exports. 
Nkrumah's plans were ambitious and grounded in the desire to 
reduce Ghana's vulnerability to world trade. Unfortunately, the 
price of cocoa collapsed in the mid-1960s, destroying the fun- 
damental stability of the economy and making it nearly impos- 
sible for Nkrumah to continue his plans. Pervasive corruption 
exacerbated these problems. In 1966 a group of military offic- 
ers overthrew Nkrumah and inherited a nearly bankrupt coun- 
try. 

Since 1966 Ghana has been caught in a cycle of debt, weak 
commodity demand, and currency overvaluation, which has 
resulted in the decay of productive capacities and a crippling 
foreign debt. Once the price of cocoa fell in the mid-1960s, 
Ghana obtained less of the foreign currency necessary to repay 
loans, the value of which jumped almost ten times between 
1960 and 1966. Some economists recommended that Ghana 
devalue its currency, the cedi (£; for value of the cedi — see 
Glossary), to make its cocoa price more attractive on the world 
market, but devaluation would also have rendered loan repay- 
ment in United States dollars much more difficult. Moreover, 
such a devaluation would have increased the costs of imports, 
both for consumers and nascent industries. 

Until the early 1980s, successive governments refused to 
devalue the currency (with the exception of the government of 
Kofi Abrefa Busia, which devalued the cedi in 1971 and was 
promptly overthrown). Cocoa prices languished, discouraging 
cocoa production altogether and leading to smuggling of exist- 
ing cocoa crops to neighboring countries, where francs rather 
than cedis could be obtained in payment. As production and 
official exports collapsed, revenue necessary for the survival of 
the economy was obtained through the procurement of further 
loans, thereby intensifying a self-destructive cycle driven by 
debt and reliance on vulnerable world commodity markets. 

By the early 1980s, Ghana's economy was in an advanced 
state of collapse. Per capita gross domestic product (GDP — see 
Glossary) showed negative growth throughout the 1960s and 
fell by 3.2 percent per year from 1970 to 1981. Most important 
was the decline in cocoa production, which fell by half between 



135 



Ghana: A Country Study 

the mid-1960s and the late 1970s, drastically reducing Ghana's 
share of the world market from about one-third in the early 
1970s to only one-eighth in 1982-83. At the same time, mineral 
production fell by 32 percent; gold production declined by 47 
percent, diamonds by 67 percent, manganese by 43 percent, 
and bauxite by 46 percent. Inflation averaged more than 50 
percent a year between 1976 and 1981, hitting 116.5 percent in 
1981. Real minimum wages dropped from an index of 75 in 
1975 to one of 15.4 in 1981. Tax revenue fell from 17 percent 
of GDP in 1973 to only 5 percent in 1983, and actual imports 
by volume in 1982 were only 43 percent of average 1975-76 lev- 
els. Productivity, the standard of living, and the government's 
resources had plummeted dramatically. 

In 1981 a military government under the leadership of 
Flight Lieutenant Jerry John Rawlings came to power. Calling 
itself the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC), the 
Rawlings regime initially blamed the nation's economic prob- 
lems on the corruption of previous governments. Rawlings 
soon discovered, however, that Ghana's problems were the 
result of forces more complicated than economic abuse. Fol- 
lowing a severe drought in 1983, the government accepted 
stringent International Monetary Fund (IMF — see Glossary) 
and World Bank (see Glossary) loan conditions and instituted 
the Economic Recovery Program (ERP). 

Signaling a dramatic shift in policies, the ERP fundamentally 
changed the government's social, political, and economic ori- 
entation. Aimed primarily at enabling Ghana to repay its for- 
eign debts, the ERP exemplified the structural adjustment 
policies formulated by international banking and donor insti- 
tutions in the 1980s. The program emphasized the promotion 
of the export sector and an enforced fiscal stringency, which 
together aimed to eradicate budget deficits. The PNDC fol- 
lowed the ERP faithfully and gained the support of the interna- 
tional financial community. The effects of the ERP on the 
domestic economy, however, led to a lowered standard of living 
for most Ghanaians. 

Overview of the Current Economy 

In the early 1990s, Ghana's economic recovery still appeared 
uneven and was geared primarily to the export rather than 
domestic market. GDP had risen by an average of 5 percent per 
year since 1984, inflation had been reduced to about 20 per- 
cent, and export earnings had reached US$1 billion. Most pro- 



136 



The Economy 



duction came from the export sector, and by the 1992-93 crop 
year, cocoa production surpassed 300,000 tons, placing Ghana 
third in the world. In 1990 exports of minerals — primarily gold 
but also diamonds, manganese, and bauxite — brought in 
US$234 million, an increase of 23.2 percent from the year 
before (see fig. 7). Nevertheless, salaries were low, and because 
the cost of public services continued to rise, Ghana's poor bore 
the brunt of the negative effects of the austerity program. 

Despite devaluations by the Rawlings regime and rising 
exports, the government has been unable to fulfill a key stabili- 
zation goal of reducing the trade and current account deficits. 
To stimulate production in various sectors, the government has 
incurred loans to finance imports of necessary inputs such as 
machinery, fertilizer, and petroleum. As a result, the country's 
foreign debt exceeded US$4 billion in 1991. According to 
World Bank estimates, the country's debt continued to rise in 
1992, and was equivalent to almost 63 percent of gross national 
product (GNP — see Glossary). In 1992 the debt service ratio 
(debt service as a proportion of exports) was 27 percent, an 
improvement over late 1980s levels, which averaged as high as 
62.5 percent. To cover the deficits that result from loans and 
increased imports, the government came to rely on rising levels 
of foreign aid, with net aid disbursements increasing to an esti- 
mated US$550 million by 1990. Unfortunately, foreign invest- 
ment, compared with aid, was weak except in the mining 
sector, and domestic savings were insufficient to finance the 
country's ambitious development projects. 

Government policies have produced mixed results in terms 
of productivity and debt, and they have also incurred signifi- 
cant social costs through job elimination and reduced public 
expenditure policies. The government has addressed this prob- 
lem by launching a special initiative to create 40,000 jobs pro- 
viding services to the poorest groups. Spending on health and 
education also has increased as a proportion of GDP, but the 
central government believes that major poverty alleviation can 
come only with even faster and higher economic growth. 

Structure of the Economy 

Most government efforts to restore the productivity of the 
Ghanaian economy have been directed toward boosting the 
country's exports. These policies, however, have had numerous 
consequences. Following the initiation of the ERP in 1983 and 
the devastating drought of 1983, Ghana's GDP has registered 



137 



Ghana: A Country Study 



® National capital 




Figure 7. Economic Activity, 1994 

steady growth, most of it attributable to the export sector, 
including cocoa and minerals and, to some extent, timber pro- 
cessing. The cost of this growth is apparent, however, in 
Ghana's growing external debts, which have financed rehabili- 
tation of the export sector, and in the country's steady rate of 
inflation which has curbed consumer imports. The govern- 
ment has tried with limited success to avoid some of the coun- 
try's historical pitfalls by broadening the range of both exports 



138 



The Economy 



and trading partners. Nevertheless, prices for the goods that 
most Ghanaians purchase have been rising faster than the 
wages they receive for their work. 

Gross Domestic Product 

In current prices, Ghana's GDP rose from £511 billion in 
1986 to £3 trillion in 1992. In constant 1987 prices, these GDP 
figures amounted to £713 billion (US$4.62 billion) in 1986 and 
£934 billion (US$6.06 billion) in 1992 (see table 6, Appendix). 

During the 1980s, Ghana's economy registered strong 
growth of approximately 5 percent per year because of a rever- 
sal in the steadily declining production of the previous decade. 
Ghana's worst years were 1982 and 1983, when the country was 
hit with the worst drought in fifty years, bush fires that 
destroyed crops, and the lowest cocoa prices of the postwar 
period. Growth throughout the remainder of the decade 
reflected the pace of the economic recovery, but output 
remained weak in comparison with 1970 production levels. 
The same was true of consumption, minimum wages, and 
social services. 

Growth fell off considerably in 1990 when another drought 
caused real GDP growth to decline by nearly two percentage 
points. Government estimates claimed that real GDP growth in 
1993 was 6.1 percent, which reflected a recovery in cocoa out- 
put and an increase in gold production. At the same time, 
gross domestic fixed investment rose from 3.5 percent of the 
total in 1982 to 12.9 percent in 1992. The share of public con- 
sumption in GDP fell from a peak of 11.1 percent in 1986 to 
9.9 percent in 1988, but appeared to have risen again to 13.3 
percent in 1992. 

Significant changes have taken place in the structure of 
GDP since the ERP began. Agriculture continues to be the bed- 
rock of Ghana's economy, accounting for more than 48 per- 
cent of GDP in 1991. Agriculture's long-term importance has 
declined, however, in favor of that of industry, the contribution 
of which to GDP more than doubled from 1988 to 1991, when 
it constituted almost 16 percent of GDP, and in favor of ser- 
vices, the contribution of which was 35.3 percent in 1991. Nota- 
ble changes have also occurred within the broader sectors: 
cocoa's share rose from 5.6 percent in 1983 to 9.5 percent in 
1991; manufacturing's contribution increased from 3.9 percent 
to 8.7 percent; and construction output from 1.5 percent to 3.5 
percent (see fig. 8; table 7, Appendix). 



139 



Ghana: A Country Study 

Debt and Inflation 

ERP policies during the 1980s resulted in increased external 
debts as well as in relatively high inflation rates (see table 8, 
Appendix). Most ERP projects were funded by foreign loans, 
notably from the IMF. At the same time, the government 
repeatedly devalued the country's currency to raise producer 
prices for exports and to encourage production, but devalua- 
tion also led to price rises on all other goods as well. ERP 
attempts to promote production have, at least in the short 
term, resulted in higher debts and inflation. 

World Bank figures show that Ghana's total external debt 
exceeded US$4 billion by 1991; this figure rose to nearly 
US$4.3 billion in 1992. The external deficit and requirements 
for repayments on principal were met through additional 
loans. The debt figures revealed a strong reliance on official 
creditors, who accounted for about 92 percent of public dis- 
bursed debt, and on concessional funding, which approached 
60 percent of total external debt in 1992. In addition, Ghana 
began to borrow on international capital markets in 1991. Nev- 
ertheless, the country's debt service ratio fell at an annual aver- 
age of 25 percent in 1991 and 1992, reflecting repayment of 
large IMF obligations and the ending of the government's use 
of IMF funding at the end of 1991. An additional factor was 
debt cancellation by a number of leading bilateral creditors 
totaling US$1.5 billion since 1989. 

In the early 1990s, the government was unable to reduce 
high inflation significantly. Although down from the staggering 
levels of the early 1980s when inflation hit 123 percent because 
of drought, inflation in the following six years averaged almost 
30 percent. Recovery in agricultural output in 1984 and 1985 
helped shrink inflation rates, but a marginal decline in food 
production in 1986 was accompanied by an upward trend in 
inflation. For the next four years, ever higher food prices, 
driven by devaluation, contributed greatly to high inflation. By 
late 1994, the country's inflation rate stood at about 28 per- 
cent. 

Trade 

The promotion of Ghana's foreign trade has been central to 
all government plans to revive the economy since 1983. Under 
the ERP, export-producing industries received the most direct 
support; they also received the most indirect support through 



140 



The Economy 



the improvement of their proximate infrastructure. By promot- 
ing exports, the government sought to obtain foreign 
exchange essential to repay debts and to ease the country's 
restrictions on imports. Imports, of course, are also necessary 
to upgrade many of the export industries hamstrung for lack of 
equipment. 

Prior to 1983, economic conditions conspired to erode the 
terms of trade to such an extent that Ghanaians had reverted 
to smuggling goods across the borders as well as to trading on 
the black market on a significant scale. Ghanaians who had 
anything to sell could multiply their earnings by selling their 
goods in French-speaking countries, especially neighboring 
Cote d'lvoire, and then changing the resultant francs into cedis 
at black-market rates. Smuggling cut down the amount of for- 
eign exchange available for official transactions, leading to a 
reduction in imports, which hit manufacturing enterprises 
dependent on imported equipment and raw materials espe- 
cially hard. As a result, many consumer goods were no longer 
available in Ghana, which further boosted smuggling across 
borders of those countries where such goods could be 
obtained. By 1982 the World Bank estimated that transactions 
on the parallel, or black, market constituted 32.4 percent of all 
domestic trade. 

Since the start of the ERP in 1983, the government has intro- 
duced several policies to adjust the pattern of Ghana's trade 
structure. These include devaluing the currency as well as rais- 
ing producer prices for crucial exports such as cocoa to offset 
the advantages of smuggling such goods across borders. In 
addition, the government introduced an interbank foreign 
exchange market to facilitate currency exchange. To ease the 
importation of essential capital goods, but not necessarily con- 
sumer goods, the government revised and reduced numerous 
import duties and trade taxes. 

By the early 1990s, government efforts had resulted in the 
restoration of many of Ghana's historical trade relationships. 
Exports were again dominated by cocoa, which earned US$280 
million in 1993. Other significant export commodities in 1993 
were gold (US$416 million) and timber (US$140 million), fol- 
lowed by electricity, diamonds, and bauxite. Ghana's nontradi- 
tional exports, such as furniture, cola nuts, and pineapples, 
have also increased significantly. On the import side, fuel and 
energy, mainly oil, accounted for 16 percent of 1990 imports, 
followed by capital goods, 43 percent; intermediate goods, 28 



141 



Ghana: A Country Study 



GDP 1 1991 = $ 2.6 billion 2 



OTHER 

4.3 % 



TRANSPORTATION AND 
COMMUNICATIONS 

4.5 % 

MINING 

1 .8 % 



GOVERNMENT 
SERVICES 
9.4 % 




MANUFACTURING 

8.7 % 



GDP at current prices. 



ELECTRICITY CONSTRUCTION 
AND WATER 3.5 % 

2.0 % 



For value of the Ghanaian cedi-see Glossary. 



Source: Based on information from Economist Intelligence Unit, Country Profile: Ghana, 
1994-95, London, 1994, 16. 



Figure 8. Gross Domestic Product (GDP) by Sector, 1991 



percent; and consumer goods, 10 percent, according to the 
World Bank. 

In addition to supporting traditional export industries such 
as cocoa and gold, the government also attempted to diversify 
the content of Ghana's exports. To encourage nontraditional 
exports in the fishing and agriculture sectors, the government 
offered to refund 95 percent of import duties on goods des- 
tined for reexport and even to cancel sales taxes on manufac- 
tured goods sold abroad. In addition, the government devised 
a scale of tax rebates ranging from 20 percent to 50 percent 
determined by the volume of total production that was 
exported. These incentives generated considerable response. 
By 1988 more than 700 exporters were dealing in 123 export 
products, the major items being pineapples, marine and fish 
products (especially tuna), wood products, aluminum prod- 
ucts, and salt. By 1990, the last year for which figures were avail- 



142 



The Economy 



able, the value of nontraditional exports had risen to US$62 
million. 

In 1992 the government's Ghana Export Promotion Council 
announced a plan to raise nontraditional exports to US$335 
million by 1997 through increased market research, trade mis- 
sions, trade fairs and exhibitions, and training. Among its most 
ambitious specific targets were increases in tuna and shrimp 
sales to US$45 million and US$32 million, respectively, by 
1995, and increases in pineapple sales to US$12.5 million. In 
the manufacturing sector, wood products, aluminum goods, 
and processed rubber were targeted to yield US$44 million, 
US$42 million, and US$23 million, respectively. Earnings from 
salt were projected to rise to US$20 million. 

In the early 1990s, Ghana continued to trade primarily with 
the European Community, particularly Britain and Germany. 
Britain continued to be the principal market for Ghanaian 
cocoa beans, absorbing approximately 50 percent of all cocoa 
beans exported. In 1992, Germany was the single most impor- 
tant destination of Ghana's exports, accounting for some 19 
percent of all exports. Britain was next, accounting for about 
12 percent, followed by the United States, 9 percent, and 
Japan, 5 percent. The same year, Britain supplied approxi- 
mately 20 percent of Ghana's imports, followed by Nigeria, 
which provided 11 percent. The United States and Germany 
were third and fourth, respectively. 

Ghana also belongs to the sixteen-member Economic Com- 
munity of West African States (ECOWAS), founded in 1975 
with headquarters in Abuja, Nigeria. ECOWAS is designed to 
promote the cultural, economic, and social development of its 
component states. To achieve these ends, ECOWAS seeks to 
foster regional cooperation in several areas, including removal 
of barriers to the movement of peoples and trade, harmoniza- 
tion of agricultural policies, improvements in infrastructure, 
and, as of 1991, renewed commitment to democratic political 
processes and non-aggression against member states. 

Ghana also has a number of barter trade agreements with 
several East European countries, China, and Cuba. Under the 
agreements, imports of goods and services are paid for mainly 
by cocoa from Ghana. A major change occurred in 1991 when 
the German Democratic Republic (GDR, or East Germany) 
abrogated its barter trade agreement with Ghana following the 
union of the two Germanies. In spite of this, agreement was 
reached between the two countries to honor existing commit- 



143 



Ghana: A Country Study 

merits. In late 1991, the Ghanaian government showed 
renewed interest in trade with the countries of Eastern Europe 
following the adoption of free-market systems in the wake of 
political upheavals in those countries. Ghanaian trade officials 
expect that the barter trade system will give way to open market 
operations. 

Role of the Government 

In the 1990s, the government continued to play a decisive 
role in the direction and pace of economic development in 
Ghana. Under the Economic Recovery Program initiated in 
1983, the Rawlings government tried to shift the burden of eco- 
nomic growth from government to the private sector through a 
dual strategy of cutting government spending and promoting 
private production. In particular, the government tried to 
boost export production through currency devaluations, tax 
incentives, and government-funded development projects. At 
the same time, budget deficits were almost entirely wiped out. 
These measures caused drastic cutbacks in current government 
spending and widespread privatization, while the government 
incurred further loans (and thereby debt) to balance the coun- 
try's budget. 

The Economic Recovery Program 

In 1983 the government launched the Economic Recovery 
Program (ERP) under the guidance of the World Bank and the 
IMF. The overriding purpose of the ERP was to reduce Ghana's 
debts and to improve its trading position in the global econ- 
omy. The stated objectives of the program focused on restoring 
economic productivity at minimum cost to the government 
and included the following policies: lowering inflation through 
stringent fiscal, monetary, and trade policies; increasing the 
flow of foreign exchange into Ghana and directing it to priority 
sectors; restructuring the country's economic institutions; 
restoring production incentives; rehabilitating infrastructure 
to enhance conditions for the production and export of goods; 
and, finally, increasing the availability of essential consumer 
goods. In short, the government hoped to create an economic 
climate conducive to the generation of capital. 

The ERP was carried out in roughly three phases. Beginning 
in 1983, the government focused on reducing its expenditures 
while creating incentives for private production. Initial expen- 



144 



The Economy 



diture cuts and improved tax collection brought the budget 
deficit down from 6.3 percent of GDP in 1982 to 0.1 percent by 
1986, relieving government pressure on the banking system, 
while a series of cedi devaluations boosted export activity. Dur- 
ing the second phase, which lasted from 1987 to 1989, the gov- 
ernment moved to divest itself of many assets through 
privatization and to institute radical foreign exchange reforms 
to devalue the cedi further. Although privatization was slug- 
gish, the hard-currency black market was nearly eliminated 
with the introduction of foreign exchange bureaus in 1988. In 
the ERP's third phase, the government intensified monetary 
reforms and reduced private corporate taxes to boost private- 
sector growth. 

By the end of 1991, ERP efforts had improved the country's 
international financial reputation because of its ability to make 
loan repayments (although not wipe out foreign debt) and its 
first entry onto the international capital market in almost two 
decades. Critics maintained, however, that the ERP had failed 
to bring about a fundamental transformation of the economy, 
which still relied on income earned from cocoa and other agri- 
cultural commodities. Critics also contended that many Ghana- 
ians had seen few, if any, benefits from the program. 

In addition to its focus on stabilizing the country's financial 
structure, the ERP also aimed to promote production, espe- 
cially in the export sectors. In 1986 the government began to 
rebuild infrastructure through a US$4.2 billion program, more 
than half of which was provided by external sources. This 
amount was divided roughly equally among infrastructure 
repair, energy imports (oil for machinery), and export indus- 
tries. Increased imports financed by the IMF, the World Bank, 
and other sources made possible the rehabilitation and repair 
of some key parts of the infrastructure through the supply of 
spare parts and inputs for industry, mining, utilities, and agri- 
culture. 

Although the ERP was geared primarily toward restoring the 
country's international economic standing, it came under pop- 
ular criticism inside Ghana for ignoring the plight of those not 
involved in the export sector. The overwhelming shift in 
resources was toward cocoa rehabilitation and other export 
sectors, not toward food production. Government employees, 
especially those in state enterprises, were actively targeted, and 
many lost their jobs. Farmers suffered as the percentage of the 
total budget devoted to agriculture fell from 10 percent in 1983 



145 



Ghana: A Country Study 



to 4.2 percent in 1986 and to 3.5 percent in 1988, excluding 
foreign aid projects. Although cocoa contributed less to 
Ghana's GDP than food crops, cocoa nonetheless received 9 
percent of capital expenditures in the late 1980s; at the same 
time, it received roughly 67 percent of current agricultural 
expenditures because of its export value. 

In response to criticism of such policies, the government ini- 
tiated the US$85 million Program of Action to Mitigate the 
Social Costs of Adjustment (PAMSCAD). Beginning in 1988, 
the program sought to create 40,000 jobs over a two-year 
period. It was aimed at the poorest individuals, small-scale min- 
ers and artisans in particular, and communities were to be 
helped to implement labor-intensive self-help projects. 

As part of PAMSCAD, £10 billion was slated in the 1993 bud- 
get for the rehabilitation and development of rural and urban 
social infrastructure. The new program, organized through 
PAMSCAD and the new district assemblies, was designed to 
focus on improving water supply, sanitation, primary educa- 
tion, and health care. An additional 051 billion was set aside for 
redeployment and end-of-service benefits for those who had 
lost their jobs in civil service and parastatal reorganizations. 

In the early 1990s, the government was committed to con- 
tinuing the policies of the ERP. New agreements were con- 
cluded with the World Bank to continue credit arrangements 
on condition that Ghana review and revise its various economic 
laws and regulations and support private-sector development. 
In particular, the government agreed to revise or to repeal 
existing laws and regulations affecting private investment that 
undermine the spirit of deregulation, economic liberalization, 
and exchange-rate reforms. The government also agreed to 
develop and to strengthen the institutional framework that 
would facilitate private investment. Key priorities for 1992 and 
afterward included giving new impetus to state enterprise 
reform, broadening the scope of banking-sector reforms, liber- 
alizing the administrative framework, and strengthening pub- 
lic-sector management. Basic education and primary health- 
care services were to receive attention over the long term as 
well. 

State Enterprises 

State-owned enterprises in Ghana date to the colonial 
period and especially to the post-World War II era. For exam- 
ple, the British organized a number of public utilities, such as 



146 



Craftsmen making cane furniture in Accra 
Courtesy James Sanders 

water, electricity, postal and telegraph services, rail and road 
networks, and bus services. To foster exports of coffee, palm 
kernels, and cocoa, the Agricultural Produce Marketing Board 
was founded in 1949. In addition, the colonial government 
established the Industrial Development Corporation and the 
Agricultural Development Corporation to promote industries 
and agriculture. In the mid-1970s, the National Redemption 
Council under L K. Acheampong also emphasized state enter- 
prises. The Acheampong government established a number of 
new enterprises and partly or wholly nationalized a number of 
foreign-owned companies, including Ashanti Goldfields Cor- 
poration and Consolidated African Selection Trust. Intermit- 
tent efforts to improve performance and efficiency often led to 
the transferral of duties and functions to alternative state bod- 
ies but not to the wholesale privatization of ownership rights 
and assets. 

By the 1980s, state enterprises were suffering along with 
most businesses in Ghana, but they were also held to blame for 
the economy's general condition. In particular, many were 
heavily subsidized and were draining much of the country's 
domestic loan capital. Under pressure from the World Bank 
and in accordance with the principles of the ERP, in 1984 the 



147 



Ghana: A Country Study 



government began to sell state enterprises to private investors, 
and it initiated the State-Owned Enterprise Reform Program in 
1988. 

In 1984 there were 235 state enterprises in Ghana. The gov- 
ernment announced that twenty-two sensitive enterprises 
would not be sold, including major utilities as well as transport, 
cocoa, and mining enterprises. In 1988 thirty-two were put up 
for sale, followed by a further forty-four in 1990 under what was 
termed the Divestiture Implementation Committee. By Decem- 
ber 1990, thirty-four enterprises had been either partially or 
totally divested. Four were sold outright, a further eight were 
partially sold through share issues, and twenty-two were liqui- 
dated. Divestiture of fifteen additional enterprises was also 
underway, and by 1992 plans were afoot to privatize some of 
the nation's banks. 

Joint ventures were set up for four enterprises, including two 
state mining companies, Prestea Goldfields and Ghana Consol- 
idated Diamonds. In 1992 the Divestiture Implementation 
Committee considered resource-pooling programs to enable 
smaller domestic investors to buy up state enterprises. Such 
pooling would accelerate the program, but more importantly, 
it would enable the Provisional National Defence Council 
(PNDC) to deflect charges that it was auctioning off the 
nation's assets to foreigners. 

The government also introduced a performance monitoring 
and evaluation system to improve state enterprise productivity 
and efficiency as well as to provide incentives for strong per- 
formers and disincentives for weak performers. By 1989 fifteen 
enterprises had responded positively, turning a combined pre- 
tax loss of 0418 million from the previous year into pre-tax 
profits of ^19 billion, following a 9 percent cut in costs and a 30 
percent increase in sales. In early 1992, the chairman of the 
State Enterprises Commission announced that the government 
would pass legislation requiring state-owned enterprises to reg- 
ister as limited liability companies by 1993 to stimulate compe- 
tition and to improve their performances. 

Budgets 

Major policies of the ERP and conditions of IMF funding 
were that the budget deficit be reduced and that resources be 
directed from current to capital spending. Consequently, the 
government achieved a budget surplus each year between 1986 
and 1989 and simultaneously boosted the percentage of spend- 



148 



The Economy 



ing for development projects. During the mid-1980s, budget 
deficits as a percentage of GDP consistently declined, falling 
from 4.7 percent in 1982 to 2.7 percent in 1983 to 0.3 percent 
in 1987. To accomplish this, the government cut spending and 
reversed its budgetary priorities, raising capital investment at 
the expense of increased current consumption in order to pro- 
mote future growth. The government allocated 62 percent of 
the budget to physical infrastructure and about 33 percent to 
the country's productive sector. At the same time, spending on 
social programs, including health, education, and welfare, 
declined drastically to between 4.7 and 5 percent. As a percent- 
age of GDP, expenditures on health care fell from 1.2 percent 
in 1970 to 0.26 percent in 1980-83; during the same period, 
spending on education dropped from 3.9 percent to 0.85 per- 
cent. 

The 1993 budget, consistent with ERP policies and objec- 
tives, aimed to stimulate private-sector growth through lower- 
ing taxes on commerce and corporations and by internally 
balancing accounts. The previous budget reduced the tax rate 
for commerce, printing, and publishing businesses from 50 
percent to 35 percent, bringing these sectors into line with 
agriculture, manufacturing, real estate, construction, and ser- 
vices, the taxes on which were cut in 1991. 

Relief for the financial sector was less generous. The tax rate 
was reduced from 50 percent to 45 percent to encourage more 
lending and better terms for borrowers and to reduce the 8 
percent to 9 percent gap between deposit and lending rates of 
interest. The government also reduced the withholding tax on 
dividends from 15 percent to 10 percent, in line with 1991 cuts 
from 30 percent. The annual standard personal exemption for 
individual taxpayers was set at £150,000 (US$380), up from the 
previous £126,000. This figure reflected a 19 percent increase, 
1 percent above Ghanaian inflation the previous year. The top 
marginal rate of tax was raised from 25 percent to 35 percent, 
payable on earnings over £14 million, compared with the previ- 
ous level of £3 million. Finally, import taxes were reduced or 
abolished, including duties and sales taxes on all building 
materials. The super sales tax on luxury goods, introduced in 
1990, was also abolished. A maximum rate of 10 percent was set 
on such imports. 

Tax evasion and corruption, both of which are rampant 
throughout Ghana, severely affected the government's ability 
to collect taxes in all categories. In December 1993, the Ghana- 



149 



Ghana: A Country Study 



ian parliament passed the Serious Fraud Office Bill. This act 
empowered the Serious Fraud Office to investigate fraud and 
embezzlement crimes against the state. Despite this action, it is 
unlikely that the authorities will be able to stop tax evasion or 
other white-collar crimes anytime soon. 

Reform of the tax base and prudent fiscal management con- 
tributed to budget surpluses and dramatically reduced govern- 
ment recourse to the banking sector. By the early 1990s, 
nonetheless, Ghana still relied heavily on external grants to 
achieve its twin goals of running balanced budgets and increas- 
ing necessary capital expenditures (see table 9, Appendix). 
Moreover, compared with the rest of sub-Saharan Africa, total 
government revenue as a proportion of GDP continued to be 
relatively low. It was less than 16 percent in 1990 (including 
grants), compared with an average of 19 percent for sub- 
Saharan Africa as a whole. In 1993 revenue raising efforts 
aimed to secure income equivalent to 22.2 percent of GDP. 

By 1992 the government's financial position had weakened. 
From 1986 to 1991, government finances were in surplus. In 

1992, however, tax receipts from all sources of revenue were 
below projected levels, and with national elections in view, the 
government relaxed its tight controls on spending. Despite 
inclusion of foreign funding as a source of revenue, the deficit 
for 1992 was estimated at £177 billion but fell to £119 billion in 

1993. To rectify the situation, the government proposed to 
raise taxes on gasoline, kerosene, diesel fuel, and liquefied 
petroleum gas by as much as 60 percent. 

Banking and Currency 

Control of money-supply growth and liquidity management 
have been among the ERP's most difficult tasks, and expansion 
generally exceeded targets for most of the 1980s. The initial 
phase of monetary policy (1983-86) focused on reducing gov- 
ernment borrowing from the domestic banking system and on 
using quantitative controls via credit ceilings. Although these 
succeeded in reducing domestic credit growth, larger than 
expected foreign earnings and the money market's inability to 
process them efficiently contributed to a rapid expansion in 
the broad money supply until the late 1980s. 

The subsequent introduction of more dynamic monetary 
policies in 1989 involved a phase-in of indirect controls and 
market-based policy instruments. A further series of measures 
was introduced in 1990 to strengthen the responsiveness of 



150 



The Economy 



interest rates to changes in liquidity conditions. There followed 
a phased increase in the Bank of Ghana's rediscount rate from 
26 percent to 35 percent by mid-1991, the introduction of 
three- and five-year instruments later that year, and a widening 
of access to Bank of Ghana financial instruments in favor of the 
non-bank financial sector. The policies were quite effective. 
Money supply growth was brought convincingly under control 
in 1990 and 1991; however, a decline in interest rates and in 
monetary control, compounded by salary increases in the pub- 
lic sector, prompted monetary growth in 1992. 

In January 1994, the Bank of Ghana relaxed its monetary 
policy. As a result, the government's 91-day treasury bill dis- 
count rate was lowered five percentage points to 27 percent. 
The interest rate equivalent of the discount rate fell from 34.78 
percent to 28.95 percent. Savings deposit rates also fell in 
December 1993 from 17.5-22 percent to 15-22 percent. The 
wider range suggests competition for funds in the banking 
market. The range for longer-term money (two-year) declined 
from 22-32 percent to 25.2-28 percent. 

Banking 

Ghana has a well-developed banking system that was used 
extensively by previous governments to finance attempts to 
develop the local economy. By the late 1980s, the banks had 
suffered substantial losses from a number of bad loans in their 
portfolios. In addition, cedi depreciation had raised the banks' 
external liabilities. In order to strengthen the banking sector, 
the government in 1988 initiated comprehensive reforms. In 
particular, the amended banking law of August 1989 required 
banks to maintain a minimum capital base equivalent to 6 per- 
cent of net assets adjusted for risk and to establish uniform 
accounting and auditing standards. The law also introduced 
limits on risk exposure to single borrowers and sectors. These 
measures strengthened central bank supervision, improved the 
regulatory framework, and gradually improved resource mobi- 
lization and credit allocation. 

Other efforts were made to ease the accumulated burden of 
bad loans on the banks in the late 1980s. In 1989 the Bank of 
Ghana issued temporary promissory notes to replace non-per- 
forming loans and other government-guaranteed obligations 
to state-owned enterprises as of the end of 1988 and on private- 
sector loans in 1989. The latter were then replaced by interest- 
bearing bonds from the Bank of Ghana or were offset against 



151 



Ghana: A Country Study 

debts to the bank. Effectively, the government stepped in and 
repaid the loans. By late 1989, some £62 billion worth of non- 
performing assets had been offset or replaced by central bank 
bonds totaling about £47 billion. 

In the early 1990s, the banking system included the central 
bank (the Bank of Ghana), three large commercial banks 
(Ghana Commercial Bank, Barclays Bank of Ghana, and Stan- 
dard Chartered Bank of Ghana), and seven secondary banks. 
Three merchant banks specialized in corporate finance, advi- 
sory services, and money and capital market activities — Mer- 
chant Bank, Ecobank Ghana, and Continental Acceptances; 
the latter two were both established in 1990. These and the 
commercial banks placed short-term deposits with two dis- 
count houses set up to enhance the development of Ghana's 
domestic money market — Consolidated Discount House and 
Securities Discount House, established in November 1987 and 
June 1991, respectively. At the bottom of the tier were 100 rural 
banks, which accounted for only 5 percent of the banking sys- 
tem's total assets. 

By the end of 1990, banks were able to meet the new capital 
adequacy requirements. In addition, the government 
announced the establishment of the First Finance Company in 
1991 to help distressed but potentially viable companies to 
recapitalize. The company was established as part of the finan- 
cial sector adjustment program in response to requests for eas- 
ier access to credit for companies hit by ERP policies. The 
company was a joint venture between the Bank of Ghana and 
the Social Security and National Insurance Trust. 

Despite offering some of the highest lending rates in West 
Africa, Ghana's banks enjoyed increased business in the early 
1990s because of high deposit rates. The Bank of Ghana raised 
its rediscount rate in stages to around 35 percent by mid-1991, 
driving money market and commercial bank interest rates well 
above the rate of inflation, thus making real interest rates sub- 
stantially positive. As inflation decelerated over the year, the 
rediscount rate was lowered in stages to 20 percent, bringing 
lending rates down accordingly. 

At the same time, more money moved into the banking sys- 
tem in 1991 than in 1990; time and savings deposits grew by 45 
percent to £94.6 billion, and demand deposits rose to £118.7 
billion. Loans also rose, with banks' claims on the private sector 
up by 24.1 percent, to £117.4 billion. Banks' claims on the cen- 
tral government continued to shrink in 1991, falling to a mere 



152 



The Economy 



£860 million from £2.95 billion in 1990, a reflection of contin- 
ued budget surpluses. Claims on nonfinancial public enter- 
prises rose by 12.6 percent to £27.1 billion. 

Foreign bank accounts, which were frozen shortly after the 
PNDC came to power, have been permitted since mid-1985, in 
a move to increase local supplies of foreign exchange. Foreign 
currency accounts may be held in any of seven authorized 
banks, with interest exempt from Ghanaian tax and with trans- 
fers abroad free from foreign-exchange control restrictions. 
Foreign-exchange earnings from exports, however, are specifi- 
cally excluded from these arrangements. 

The Ghana Stock Exchange began operations in November 
1990, with twelve companies considered to be the best per- 
formers in the country. Although there were stringent mini- 
mum investment criteria for registration on the exchange, the 
government hoped that share ownership would encourage the 
formation of new companies and would increase savings and 
investment. After only one month in operation, however, the 
exchange lost a major French affiliate, which reduced the start- 
ing market capitalization to about US$92.5 million. 

By the end of 1990, the aggregate effect of price and volume 
movements had resulted in a further 10.8 percent decrease in 
market capitalization. Trading steadily increased, however, and 
by mid-July 1992, 2.8 million shares were being traded with a 
value of £233 million, up from 1.7 million shares with a value of 
£145 million in November 1991. The market continued to be 
small, listing only thirteen companies, more than half in retail- 
ing and brewing. In June 1993, Accra removed exchange con- 
trol restrictions and gave permission to non-resident 
Ghanaians and foreigners to invest on the exchange without 
prior approval from the Bank of Ghana. In April 1994, the 
exchange received a considerable boost after the government 
sold part of its holdings in Ashanti Goldfields Corporation. 

Currency 

One of the most pressing economic problems faced by all 
postindependence Ghanaian governments was the overvalua- 
tion of the currency. In 1961 Ghana broke with the British 
pound sterling and pegged the value of the cedi to the United 
States dollar. As Ghana's terms of trade worsened in the 1960s, 
the real value of the cedi fell; however, successive governments 
feared either to float the cedi or to adjust its value, thereby rais- 
ing the cost of imports and consumer prices. The overthrow of 



153 



Ghana: A Country Study 



the Kofi A. Busia regime in 1971, following the introduction of 
a devaluation package, reinforced the unpopularity of such a 
move. The Acheampong government reversed course and 
revalued the cedi. It also increased the money supply to pay 
Ghana's debts, leading to a sharp divergence between the offi- 
cial and the real rates of exchange. 

The overvalued cedi, on the one hand, and low, regulated 
prices for commodities, on the other, led to a robust smuggling 
industry and to an extensive black market in currency. It 
became common practice for Ghanaians, especially those liv- 
ing along the country's border, to smuggle Ghanaian produce 
such as cocoa and minerals into neighboring francophone 
countries. After selling on the local market, Ghanaians would 
then return home and trade their hard-currency Central Afri- 
can francs for cedis on the black market, making handsome 
profits. Smuggling and illegal currency operations had become 
so extensive by 1981 that the black-market rate for cedis was 9.6 
times higher than the official rate, up from 1.3 in 1972. At the 
same time, reliable estimates placed transactions in the parallel 
economy at fully one-third of Ghana's GDP. 

Fifteen months after the PNDC came to power, in April 
1983, the government began efforts to devalue the cedi. Rawl- 
ings introduced a system of surcharges on imports and bonuses 
on exports that effectively devalued the currency because the 
surcharges on imports amounted to 750 percent of the amount 
being spent and the discounts on exports amounted to 990 
percent. Further, an official devaluation began in October 
1983 in which the exchange rate reached £90 to US$1 by 
March 1986. By 1993, £720 equaled US$1; by late 1994, £1,023 
equaled US$1. 

In September 1986, the government sought alternative 
methods for establishing the value of the cedi. At that time, the 
government relinquished its direct role in determining the 
exchange rate. The rate was instead determined at regular cur- 
rency auctions under the pressure of market forces on the basis 
of a two-tier exchange-rate system, with one rate for essentials 
and another for non-essentials. In April 1987, the two auctions 
were unified. In subsequent reforms also designed to diminish 
smuggling and illegal currency dealings, private foreign- 
exchange bureaus were permitted to trade in foreign curren- 
cies beginning at the end of March 1988. By July 1989, there 
were 148 such bureaus operating, ninety-nine in Accra and 



154 



The Economy 



thirty in Ashanti Region, with the remainder in other urban 
centers. 

In 1987, US$207 million was allocated through the auction; 
and in 1988, US$267 million. By comparison, the foreign- 
exchange bureaus in the first year of operation, ending in 
March 1989, traded US$77 million worth of foreign currency, 
or about one-fourth the amount of foreign exchange allocated 
through the auction. Initially, prices at the auction and those at 
the foreign-exchange bureaus differed greatly. Efforts to 
reduce the difference, however, brought the gap from 29 per- 
cent in March 1988 to approximately 6 percent by February 
1991. In early 1992, the auction was closed, although no official 
announcement was made. Purchasers were referred to the 
Bank of Ghana, which used an exchange rate determined 
largely on the basis of market forces. 

The government also successfully slowed growth in the 
money supply. In the late 1980s, the average annual growth 
rate reached 61 percent. By 1990 it had dropped to 13.3 per- 
cent but then accelerated slightly to 16.7 percent, standing at 
£317 million the following year. In 1991 the Bank of Ghana 
introduced a £1,000 note, the highest denomination issued 
since independence in 1957. Previously, the highest denomina- 
tion had been £500. A total of £50 billion of the new notes was 
printed. 

Labor Force 

Despite the revival of the export sector, most Ghanaians con- 
tinued to find employment with the government or to rely on 
informal employment for their livelihood. An increasing num- 
ber of Ghanaians also turned to smuggling or to crime to earn 
a living. Reductions in the number of government workers had 
not been offset by increased employment in the export sector 
by the early 1990s. At the same time, wages had not kept up 
with the cost of living. The government also sought to reform 
the education system, because increased education often led to 
better jobs and higher wages. However, because students were 
expected to bear an increasing portion of the cost of their edu- 
cation, it was unlikely that the poorest Ghanaians would be 
able to take full advantage of the school system. 

National Requirements 

Although the Ghanaian labor force grew throughout the 



155 



Ghana: A Country Study 



TRANSPORTATION AND A SR£ce-™v ' 
COMMUNICATIONS l " UHtb 1 HY ' 
5.1 % 

MINING 

7.1% 



MANUFACTURING 
14.2% 



FINANCE AND 
BUSINESS SERVICES 

5.1 % 

ELECTRICITY, 
WATER, AND GAS 

2% 

DOMESTIC TRADE 
AND CATERING 
4.9 % 

CONSTRUCTION 

5.4 % 



AND FISHING 

8.8 % 




Source: Based on information from Ghana, Statistical Service, Quarterly Digest of 
Statistics, Accra, December 1991, Table 42. 



Figure 9. Employment by Sector, 1988 



1980s, the structure of employment remained relatively stable 
(see fig. 9). Between 1981 and 1988, the official number of 
workers grew by almost 100,000. Despite efforts under the ERP 
to stimulate private production, public-sector jobs still 
accounted for more than 80 percent of total employment over 
the decade. Employment in the public sector rose every year 
between 1981 and 1985 (from 175,700 to 397,100), but thereaf- 
ter fell three years in a row, standing at 251,500 in 1988. By 
1992 the number of public-sector workers had grown to an esti- 
mated 595,000, although some 55,000 had been declared 
redundant. 

Considering the relative importance of public-sector 
employment, ERP policies to reduce the scope of state enter- 
prises had a profound impact on patterns of unemployment. 
In the mid-1980s, cutbacks at the Ghana Cocoa Board (20,000 
jobs), the Ghana National Trading Corporation (2,000 jobs), 
and the shipping enterprise, the Black Star Line (1,000 jobs), 
contributed to nearly 30,000 job losses in the parastatal sector 



156 



The Economy 



alone by the end of 1986. The civil service lost an estimated 
15,000 jobs in the same period. In 1990 fifteen of the remain- 
ing state-owned enterprises reduced their payrolls by about 
13,000 employees; no figures were available for losses resulting 
from the liquidation of an additional twenty-two state enter- 
prises that year. 

Although ERP policies resulted in the loss of many jobs for 
Ghanaians, their implementation met relatively minor resis- 
tance from organized labor. The most serious challenge came 
in 1986 on the issue of income rather than that of layoffs. The 
unions threatened action in response to the government's deci- 
sion (under pressure from the IMF) to abolish leave allow- 
ances, a crucial benefit that substantially supplemented low 
public-sector wages. In response, the government reversed its 
decision and revised the 1986 budget. After that, the govern- 
ment stepped up taxes on allowances and, in some cases, con- 
solidated them into wages and salaries. Meanwhile, the 
unemployed continued to express concern over the slow mate- 
rialization of end-of-service payments. In response, the 1992 
budget contained proposals for packages comprising down 
payments, shares in profitable state-owned enterprises, and 
interest on deferred payments. 

Income and Wages 

During the 1980s, per capita income rose slightly but was 
overshadowed by the increased cost of living. Per capita 
income climbed from the decade low of US$340 in 1983 to 
US$400 by 1988 because of the devaluation of the cedi and ris- 
ing producer prices. The same factors, however, worked to 
increase consumer prices four-fold from 1985 to 1988. This 
trend continued throughout the early 1990s as consumer 
prices rose from 393.2 in 1990 to 634.7 in 1993 based on a 1985 
price index of 100. 

Real wages and salaries are estimated to have fallen by an 
enormous 83 percent between 1975 and 1983 and to have con- 
tinued to fall through 1989, forcing many workers to seek addi- 
tional sources of income. The level of real wages reached in 
1988 was less than half that attained in the mid-1970s; never- 
theless, the government was committed under the ERP to hold- 
ing down inflation and, hence, wages. In the 1990 budget, the 
government linked pay increases to productivity, inflation, and 
companies' ability to pay. With some exceptions, notably a one- 
time allowance for civil servants to compensate for increased 



157 



Ghana: A Country Study 

fuel and transport costs in 1990, public-sector wages increased 
roughly in line with projected inflation in 1989, 1990, and 
1991. In 1992, however, the government, which had scheduled 
elections late in the year, granted a salary increase to public- 
sector workers. Although no recent data were available for the 
private sector, wage increases under collective bargaining 
arrangements appeared to have been relatively modest. 

Although increases in the minimum daily wage under the 
PNDC appear spectacular, they are linked to the steady devalu- 
ation of the cedi and have not overcome a constant erosion of 
worker purchasing power. Beginning in April 1984, the govern- 
ment increased the minimum daily wage to 035, then to 070 in 
January 1985, £90 in January 1986, and 0122 in 1987. In March 

1990, the minimum wage was raised to 0218, and by August 

1991, it had risen to 0460, an increase of 111 percent as agreed 
to by the government, the Trade Union Congress, and the 
Ghana Employers Association. 

In the face of popular elections and increasing strikes, the 
government agreed to massive pay raises at the end of 1992, 
including a 70 percent increase for nurses. Overall, civil service 
pay raises added more than 050 billion to the wage bill, reach- 
ing 0175 billion in 1992, or 50 percent of government revenue. 
At the same time, the government moved to contain the wage 
bill by freezing staff recruitment in public-sector organizations 
as well as state salaries that exceeded those in the civil service. 

Agriculture 

Agriculture is Ghana's most important economic sector, 
employing more than half the population on a formal and 
informal basis and accounting for almost half of GDP and 
export earnings. The country produces a variety of crops in 
various climatic zones, which range from dry savanna to wet 
forest and which run in east-west bands across the country. 
Agricultural crops, including yams, grains, cocoa, oil palms, 
kola nuts, and timber, form the base of Ghana's economy. 

Although Nkrumah attempted to use agricultural wealth as 
a springboard for the country's overall economic development, 
Ghanaian agricultural output has consistently fallen since the 
1960s. Beginning with the drop in commodity prices in the late 
1960s, farmers have been faced with fewer incentives to pro- 
duce as well as with a general deterioration of necessary infra- 
structure and services. Farmers have also had to deal with 
increasingly expensive inputs, such as fertilizer, because of 



158 



The Economy 



overvaluation of the cedi. Food production has fallen as well, 
with a decline in the food self-sufficiency ratio from 83 percent 
in 1961-66 to 71 percent in 1978-80, coupled with a four-fold 
increase in food imports in the decade prior to 1982. By 1983, 
when drought hit the region, food shortages were widespread, 
and export crop production reached an all-time low 

When the Rawlings government initiated the first phase of 
the ERP in 1984, agriculture was identified as the economic 
sector that could rescue Ghana from financial ruin. Accord- 
ingly, since that time, the government has invested significant 
funds in the rehabilitation of agriculture. Primarily through 
the use of loans and grants, the government has directed capi- 
tal toward repairing and improving the transportation and dis- 
tribution infrastructure serving export crops. In addition, 
specific projects aimed at increasing cocoa yields and at devel- 
oping the timber industry have been initiated. Except for spe- 
cific development programs, however, the government has 
tried to allow the free market to promote higher producer 
prices and to increase efficiency. 

Although the government was criticized for focusing on 
exports rather than on food crops under the ERP, by the early 
1990s the PNDC had begun to address the need to increase 
local production of food. In early 1991, the government 
announced that one goal of the Medium Term Agricultural 
Development Program 1991-2000 was to attain food self-suffi- 
ciency and security by the year 2000. To this end, the govern- 
ment sought to improve extension services for farmers and to 
improve crop-disease research. Despite the statements con- 
cerning the importance of food crops, however, the plan was 
still heavily oriented toward market production, improvement 
of Ghana's balance-of-payments position, and provision of 
materials for local industrial production. Furthermore, follow- 
ing World Bank guidelines, the government planned to rely 
more heavily on the private sector for needed services and to 
reduce the role of the public sector, a clear disadvantage for 
subsistence producers. In particular, industrial tree crops such 
as cocoa, coffee, and oil palm seedlings were singled out for 
assistance. Clearly, agricultural sectors that could not produce 
foreign-exchange earnings were assigned a lower priority 
under the ERP. 

The government attempted to reduce its role in marketing 
and assistance to farmers in several ways. In particular, the 
Cocoa Marketing Board steadily relinquished its powers over 



159 



Ghana: A Country Study 

pricing and marketing. The government, furthermore, estab- 
lished a new farmers' organization, the Ghana National Associ- 
ation of Farmers and Fishermen, in early 1991 to replace the 
Ghana Federation of Agricultural Cooperatives. The new orga- 
nization was to be funded by the farmers themselves to operate 
as a cooperative venture at the district, regional, and national 
levels. Although the government argued that it did not want to 
be accused of manipulating farmers, the lack of government 
financial support again put subsistence producers at a disad- 
vantage. 

Cocoa 

Cocoa production occurs in the forested areas of the coun- 
try — Ashanti Region, Brong-Ahafo Region, Central Region, 
Eastern Region, Western Region, and Volta Region — where 
rainfall is 1,000-1,500 millimeters per year. The crop year 
begins in October, when purchases of the main crop begin, 
while the smaller mid-crop cycle starts in July. All cocoa, except 
that which is smuggled out of the country, is sold at fixed prices 
to the Cocoa Marketing Board. Although most cocoa produc- 
tion is carried out by peasant farmers on plots of less than 
three hectares, a small number of farmers appear to dominate 
the trade. Indeed, some studies show that about one-fourth of 
all cocoa farmers receive just over half of total cocoa income. 

In 1979 the government initiated reform of the cocoa sec- 
tor, focusing on the government's role in controlling the indus- 
try through the Cocoa Marketing Board. The board was 
dissolved and reconstituted as the Ghana Cocoa Board (Coco- 
bod). In 1984 it underwent further institutional reform aimed 
at subjecting the cocoa sector to market forces. Cocobod's role 
was reduced, and 40 percent of its staff, or at least 35,000 
employees, was dismissed. Furthermore, the government 
shifted responsibility for crop transport to the private sector. 
Subsidies for production inputs (fertilizers, insecticides, fungi- 
cides, and equipment) were removed, and there was a measure 
of privatization of the processing sector through at least one 
joint venture. In addition, a new payment system known as the 
Akuafo Check System was introduced in 1982 at the point of 
purchase of dried beans. Formerly, produce-buying clerks had 
often held back cash payments, abused funds, and paid farmers 
with false checks. Under the Akuafo system, a farmer was given 
a check signed by the produce clerk and the treasurer that he 
could cash at a bank of his choice. Plantation divestiture pro- 



160 



The Economy 



ceeded slowly, however, with only seven of fifty-two plantations 
sold by the end of 1990. 

Although Ghana was the world's largest cocoa producer in 
the early 1960s, by the early 1980s Ghanaian production had 
dwindled almost to the point of insignificance. The drop from 
an average of more than 450,000 tons per year to a low of 
159,000 tons in 1983-84 has been attributed to aging trees, 
widespread disease, bad weather, and low producer prices. In 
addition, bush fires in 1983 destroyed some 60,000 hectares of 
cocoa farms, so that the 1983-84 crop was barely 28 percent of 
the 557,000 tons recorded in 1964-65. Output then recovered 
to 228,000 tons in 1986-87. Revised figures show that produc- 
tion amounted to 301,000 tons in 1988-89, 293,000 tons in 
1990-91, and 305,000 tons in 1992-93. After declining to 
255,000 tons in 1993-94, the crop was projected to return to 
the 300,000 ton range in 1994-95. 

In the early 1990s, Cocobod continued to liberalize and to 
privatize cocoa marketing. The board raised prices to produc- 
ers and introduced a new system providing greater incentives 
for private traders. In particular, Cocobod agreed to pay trad- 
ers a minimum producer price as well as an additional fee to 
cover the buyers' operating and transportation costs and to 
provide some profit. Cocobod still handled overseas shipment 
and export of cocoa to ensure quality control. 

In addition to instituting marketing reforms, the govern- 
ment also attempted to restructure cocoa production. In 1983 
farmers were provided with seedlings to replace trees lost in 
the drought and trees more than thirty years old (about one- 
fourth of the total number of trees in 1984). Until the early 
1990s, an estimated 40 hectares continued to be added each 
year to the total area of 800,000 hectares under cocoa produc- 
tion. In addition, a major program to upgrade existing roads 
and to construct 3,000 kilometers of new feeder roads was 
launched to ease the transportation and sale of cocoa from 
some of the more neglected but very fertile growing areas on 
the border with Cote d'lvoire. Furthermore, the government 
tried to increase Ghana's productivity from 300 kilograms per 
hectare to compete with Southeast Asian productivity of almost 
1,000 kilograms per hectare. New emphasis was placed on 
extension services, drought and disease research, and the use 
of fertilizers and insecticides. The results of these measures 
were to be seen in rising cocoa production in the early 1990s. 



161 



Ghana: A Country Study 

Other Commercial Crops 

The main industrial crops are oil palms, cotton, rubber, 
sugar cane, tobacco, and kenaf, which is used in the produc- 
tion of fiber bags. None is of strategic economic importance, 
and all, apart from oil palms, have suffered as a result of the 
country's economic difficulties. Despite claims that such crops 
could assist local industrialization efforts, the government has 
not focused the same attention on this sector as on export 
crops. For example, sugar cane output has diminished with the 
closure of the country's two sugar mills, which produced 
237,000 tons per year in 1974-76, but only 110,000 tons in 
1989. 

The government has actually encouraged the export rather 
than the local processing of rubber, rehabilitating more than 
3,000 hectares of plantations specifically for export production 
rather than revitalizing the local Bonsa Tire Company, which 
could produce only 400 tires per day in 1988 despite its 
installed capacity for 1,500 per day. 

By the 1990s, the tobacco sector was expanding and moving 
toward higher export production. Ghana's dark-fired leaf prob- 
ably grows too fast and requires too rich a soil to compete effec- 
tively with rival crops, but the potential for flue-cured and 
Burley varieties is good. Pricing difficulties had reduced 
tobacco production from 3,400 tons in the early 1970s to an 
estimated 1,433 tons in 1989. Output began to improve in 
1990, however, reaching 2,080 tons. 

The Leaf Development Company was established in 1988 to 
produce tobacco leaf for the local market and to lay the basis 
for a future export industry. In 1991 the company's first com- 
mercial crop amounted to 300 tons of flue-cured, 50 tons of 
Burley, and 50 tons of dark-fired tobacco (all green-leaf 
weights), of which 250 tons were exported, earning 
US$380,000. In 1991 Rothmans, the British tobacco company, 
acquired a 49.5 percent stake in the company and took over 
management of the Meridian Tobacco Company in partner- 
ship with the state-owned Social Security and National Insur- 
ance Trust. Another firm, the Pioneer Tobacco Company, 
announced a 92 percent increase in post-tax profits of more 
than <t\ billion for 1991. The company declared dividends 
worth £360 million, double the amount paid out in 1990. 

Cotton production expanded rapidly in the early and mid- 
1970s, reaching 24,000 tons in 1977, but it fell back to one- 
third of this figure in 1989. Since the reorganization of the 



162 




Felling timber. Forestry is one of Ghana's major industries 

and sources of exports. 
Preparing a field for planting yams 
Courtesy Embassy of Ghana, Washington 



163 



Ghana: A Country Study 

Ghana Cotton Development Board into the Ghana Cotton 
Company, cotton production has steadily increased from 4 per- 
cent of the country's national requirement to 50 percent in 
1990. Between 1986 and 1989, Ghana saved US$6 million 
through local lint cotton production. The company expected 
that between 1991 and 1995, about 20,000 hectares of land 
would be put under cotton cultivation, enabling Ghana to pro- 
duce 95 percent of the national requirement. 

Food Crops and Livestock 

The main food crops are corn, yams, cassava, and other root 
crops. Despite government efforts to encourage farmers to 
switch to production of staples, total food production fell by an 
average of 2.7 percent per year between 1971-73 and 1981-83. 
By 1983 Ghana was self-sufficient in only one staple food 
crop — plantains. Food imports rose from 43,000 tons in 1973 
to 152,000 tons in 1981. 

There were various reasons for this poor performance, 
including growing urbanization and a shift in consumer prefer- 
ence from starchy home-grown staples to rice and corn. How- 
ever, farmers also suffered from shortages of production 
inputs, difficulties in transporting produce to market, and 
competition from imported foods that were underpriced 
because of the vastly overvalued cedi. Weather also played a 
major part, particularly in 1983, when drought cut cereal pro- 
duction from 518,000 tons in 1982 to only 450,000 tons at a 
time when an extra million people had to be fed after the 
expulsion of Ghanaians from Nigeria. Food imports in 1982-83 
amounted to 115,000 tons (40 percent as food aid), with the 
1983-84 shortfall estimated at 370,000 tons (of which food aid 
commitments covered 91,000 tons). 

There was a spectacular improvement beginning in 1984, 
mainly because of recovery from the prior year's drought. By 
1988 the agricultural sector had vastly expanded, with food 
crops responsible for the bulk of the increase. Drought condi- 
tions returned in 1990, bringing massive falls in the production 
of all food crops apart from rice, but better weather and 
improved production brought prices down in 1991. 

In August 1990, the government moved to liberalize the agri- 
cultural sector, announcing the end of minimum crop prices. 
The measure's impact was difficult to gauge because higher 
production meant more food was available at better prices any- 
way. The government's medium-term plan, outlined in 1990, 



164 



The Economy 



sought to raise average crop yields and to increase food secu- 
rity, with special attention to improved producer incentives and 
storage facilities. 

Livestock production is severely limited by the incidence of 
the tsetse fly in Ghana's forested regions and by poor grazing 
vegetation elsewhere. It is of major importance only in the rela- 
tively arid north and has not been earmarked for special treat- 
ment in Ghana's recovery program. In 1989 there were an 
estimated 1.2 million cattle, 2.2 million sheep, 2 million goats, 
550,000 pigs, and 8 million chickens in Ghana. 

Forestry 

Forests cover about one-third of Ghana's total area, with 
commercial forestry concentrated in the southern parts of the 
country. This sector accounted for 4.2 percent of GDP in 1990; 
timber was the country's third largest foreign-exchange earner. 
Since 1983 forestry has benefited from more than US$120 mil- 
lion in aid and commercial credits and has undergone substan- 
tial changes, resulting in doubled earnings between 1985 and 
1990. In 1993 timber and wood products earnings totalled 
US$140 million against a targeted level of US$130 million. 
Between January and November 1994, exports amounted to 
919,000 tons and earned US$212 million. 

Until the 1980s, forestry production suffered because of the 
overvalued cedi and deterioration of the transportation infra- 
structure. Log production declined by 66 percent during 
1970-81 and sawed timber by 47 percent. Exports fell from 
US$130 million in 1973 to US$15 million in 1983, and four 
nationalized firms went bankrupt during that period. 

The forestry sector was given a large boost in 1986, mainly 
because of the World Bank's US$24 million timber rehabilita- 
tion credit, which financed imports of logging equipment. As a 
consequence, log production rose 65 percent in 1984-87, and 
export revenues rose 665 percent in 1983-88. Furthermore, 
the old Ghana Timber Marketing Board was disbanded and 
replaced by two bodies: the Timber Export Development 
Board, responsible for marketing and pricing; and the Forest 
Products Inspection Bureau, responsible for monitoring con- 
tracts, maintaining quality standards, grading products, and 
acting as a watchdog for illegal transactions. Some of the exter- 
nal financing underwrote these institutional changes, while 
much of the rest financed forestry management and research 



165 



Ghana: A Country Study 

as well as equipment for logging, saw milling, and manufactur- 
ing. 

The sector, however, faced several problems. The most 
important was severe deforestation. A century ago, Ghana's 
tropical hardwood forest extended from about the middle of 
the country southward to the sea. Moreover, nearly half the 
country was covered with forests, which included 680 species of 
trees and several varieties of mahoganies. Most of this wood has 
been cut. By the early 1990s, only about one-third of the coun- 
try was still forested, and not all of this was of commercial 
value. This situation has forced the government to make diffi- 
cult choices between desperately needed hard currency earn- 
ings and conservation. The Forest Resource Management 
Project, part of the ERP, was initiated in 1988, and in 1989 the 
government banned log exports of eighteen species. The gov- 
ernment later extended the list and imposed high duties on 
other species, planning to phase out log and air-dried timber 
exports altogether by 1994. 

Instead, the government hoped to increase sales of wood 
products to replace earnings from logs. Government figures 
showed that one cubic meter of lumber and plywood was worth 
more than twice as much as the same amount of logs; veneers 
earned five times as much; and other products, such as furni- 
ture and floorings, earned six times the price of an equivalent 
volume of logs. Improvements in the processing sector caused 
wood products (excluding lumber) to rise to about 20 percent 
of export earnings in 1991, accounting for 6.9 percent of vol- 
ume exports. By comparison, wood products represented 11 
percent of earnings and 5.5 percent of volume in 1985. The fall 
in the proportion of volume sales accounted for by logs was 
accompanied by a dramatic fall in their share in earnings, from 
50-60 percent in the mid-1980s to 23 percent in 1990. 

By the early 1990s, there were approximately 220 lumber 
processors in Ghana, but the industry operated under several 
constraints. Most overseas demand is for kiln-dried products, 
and Ghanaian manufacturers lack sufficient kilns to meet that 
demand. The cheap air-dried processing method is not satisfac- 
tory because air-dried wood tends to destabilize over time. For- 
eign investment incentives are not so attractive in this sector as 
in other sectors, for example, mining. Furthermore, infrastruc- 
ture in the Western Region, where lumber processing is 
located, continues to be relatively neglected compared with 
mining and cocoa production regions. Other difficulties 



166 



The Economy 



include lack of expertise at technological and managerial lev- 
els. 

Scandals have been reported in Ghana's forestry industry 
since 1986, and they erupted again in early 1992. The most 
notable case involved African Timber and Plywood, once 
Ghana's largest exporter of round logs. In the mid-1980s, the 
government embarked on a US$36 million rehabilitation 
project to boost the company's production. In 1992 as much as 
US$2.3 million was alleged to have been siphoned off from the 
project through various malpractices, and a number of officials 
were arrested. Furthermore, the environmental group, Friends 
of the Earth, alleged that there had been additional thefts by 
numerous foreign companies totaling almost US$50 million in 
hard currency during the 1980s. In 1992 the government 
began investigating the activities of hundreds of companies, 
both foreign and local, that were alleged to have entered into a 
range of illegal dealings, including smuggling, fraudulent 
invoicing, violations of local currency regulations, corruption, 
bribery, and nonpayment of royalties. The corruption is so 
widespread, however, that it is unlikely that the Ghanaian 
authorities will stop timber-related crimes anytime soon. 

Fishing 

Fishing increased considerably in the late 1960s, from 
105,100 tons of marine fish caught in 1967 to 230,100 tons in 
1971. In 1982 the yield was 234,100 tons, composed of 199,100 
tons of marine varieties and 35,000 tons of freshwater fish from 
Lake Volta. The industry was hit by fuel shortages, inadequate 
storage facilities, and the general economic difficulties of the 
1970s and the 1980s. Nevertheless, by 1988 the fish catch was 
302,900 tons; by 1991 it amounted to 289,675 tons, down from 
more than 319,000 tons in 1990. 

Large-scale poaching by foreign vessels has severely depleted 
fish stocks in Ghana's 200-nautical-mile maritime Exclusive 
Economic Zone, causing major government concern. The 
most affected stocks are sea bottom-feeding fish. Tuna stocks 
reportedly remain unaffected. A 1992 Ministry of Food and 
Agriculture report recommended that the government acceler- 
ate mobilization of surveillance and enforcement units and 
step up regulation of trawler fleets. That same year, the govern- 
ment passed a fisheries law to curb overfishing and to help pro- 
tect the marine environment. Fishermen were banned from 
catching specified shellfish, and all fishing vessel operators 



167 



Ghana: A Country Study 



were required to obtain licenses. The law provided for a regula- 
tory body — the Fisheries Monitoring, Control, Surveillance, 
and Enforcement Unit — as well as a fisheries advisory council. 
These organizations, however, both of which are underfunded 
and undermanned, are unlikely to stop illegal fishing activities 
anytime soon. 

Mining and Petroleum Industries 

Ghana's mineral sector had started to recover by the early 
1990s after its severe decline throughout the 1970s. One indi- 
cator of the scale of decline was that by 1987, only four gold 
mines were operating in Ghana, compared with eighty in 1938. 
Throughout the 1970s, the output of gold, as well as bauxite, 
manganese, and diamonds, fell steadily. Foreign-exchange 
shortages inhibited mine maintenance, new exploration, and 
development investment. The overvalued cedi and spiraling 
inflation exacerbated mining companies' problems, as did 
smuggling and the deteriorating infrastructure. Energy sup- 
plies failed to meet the industry's growing needs; foreign- 
exchange shortages constrained oil imports, and domestically 
generated hydroelectricity was unable to make up the shortfall. 

After 1983, however, the government implemented a series 
of measures to enhance the sector's appeal. In 1986 new min- 
ing legislation for the gold and diamond sectors replaced the 
previous complex and obsolete regulations, and a generous 
incentives system was established that allowed for external for- 
eign-exchange retention accounts, capital allowances, and a 
flexible royalties payment system. Since 1986 the sector has 
benefited from a wave of fresh investment totaling US$540 mil- 
lion, and by the early 1990s mining was the country's second 
highest foreign-exchange earner. 

Under legislation passed after 1983, the government liberal- 
ized and regularized the mining industry. For the first time, the 
government made small claim-holding feasible, with the result 
that individual miners sold increasing amounts of gold and dia- 
monds to the state-operated Precious Minerals Marketing Cor- 
poration. In 1990 the company bought 490,000 carats of 
diamonds and 20,000 ounces of gold and earned a total of 
US$20.4 million through sales, 70 percent of it from diamond 
sales and 30 percent from gold bought from small-scale opera- 
tors. Diamond output totaled 688,000 carats in 1991 and 
694,000 carats in 1992, while gold production amounted to 
843,000 fine ounces in 1991 and 1,004,000 fine ounces in 1992. 



168 



The Economy 



Furthermore, the government succeeded in attracting signifi- 
cant foreign investment into the sector and, by early 1991, had 
signed more than sixty mining licenses granting prospecting 
rights to international companies. To forestall domestic criti- 
cism of large-scale foreign control of the sector, the govern- 
ment announced in mid-1991 the establishment of a state- 
controlled holding company to buy shares in mines on behalf 
of foreign investors. 

Gold 

Ghana has produced and exported gold for centuries. In 
precolonial times, present-day Ghana was one source of the 
gold that reached Europe via trans-Saharan trade routes. In the 
fifteenth century, Portuguese sailors tried to locate and to con- 
trol gold mining from the coast but soon turned to more easily 
obtained slaves for the Atlantic slave trade. Most gold mining 
before the mid-nineteenth century was alluvial, miners recover- 
ing the gold from streams. Modern gold mining that plumbs 
the rich ore deposits below the earth's surface began about 
1860, when European concessionaires imported heavy machin- 
ery and began working in the western areas of present-day 
Ghana. The richest deposit, the Obuasi mine, was discovered 
by a group of Europeans who sold their rights to E.A. Cade, the 
founder of Ash an ti Goldfields Corporation (AGC). Since the 
beginning of the twentieth century, modern mining in the 
Gold Coast has been pursued as a large-scale venture, necessi- 
tating significant capital investment from European investors. 

Under British colonial rule, the government controlled 
gold mining to protect the profits of European companies. The 
colonial government also restricted possession of gold as well 
as of mercury, essential in recovering gold from the ore in 
which it is embedded. Following independence, foreign con- 
trol of the sector was tempered by increasing government 
involvement under the Nkrumah regime; however, production 
began to decline in the late 1960s and did not recover for 
almost twenty years. In the mid-1960s, many mines began to hit 
poorer gold reefs. Despite the floating of the international 
gold price in the late 1960s, few investors were willing to invest, 
and the government failed to provide the capital necessary to 
expand production into new reefs. Of the two major gold min- 
ing enterprises, neither the State Gold Mining Corporation 
nor AGC (40 percent controlled by the government) expanded 
or even maintained production. 



169 



Ghana: A Country Study 



Under the ERP, the mining sector was targeted as a potential 
source of foreign exchange, and since 1984, the government 
has successfully encouraged the rejuvenation of gold mining. 
To offer incentives to the mining industry, the Minerals and 
Mining Law was passed in 1986. Among its provisions were gen- 
erous capital allowances and reduced income taxes. The corpo- 
rate tax rate was set at 45 percent, and mining companies could 
write off 75 percent of capital investment against taxes in the 
first year and 50 percent of the remainder thereafter. The gov- 
ernment permitted companies to use offshore bank accounts 
for service of loans, dividend payments, and expatriate staff 
remuneration. 

Companies are permitted to retain a minimum of 25 percent 
of gross foreign-exchange earnings from minerals sales in their 
accounts, a level that can be negotiated up to 45 percent. 
Reconnaissance licenses are issued for one-year renewable peri- 
ods, prospecting licenses are valid for three years, and mining 
licenses are in force for up to thirty years. The government has 
the right to 10 percent participation in all prospecting and to 
extend its share if commercial quantities of a mineral are dis- 
covered. In response, between 1985 and 1990, eleven compa- 
nies became active with foreign participation, representing 
investments totaling US$541 million. Since 1986 there has 
been a gradual recovery in overall production. 

More than 90 percent of gold production in the early 1990s 
came from underground mines in western Ashanti Region, 
with the remainder coming from river beds in Ashanti Region 
and Central Region. AGC, the country's largest producer, 
mined 62,100 fine ounces in January 1992, the highest monthly 
production ever recorded since the company began operation 
in 1897. The company also lowered its costs in relation to pro- 
duction during the last quarter of 1991 from 0.26 percent in 
October to 0.24 percent in December. Production during the 
company's fiscal year of October 1990 to September 1991 was 
569,475 fine ounces, 42 percent more than the previous year's 
figure of 400,757 fine ounces and the largest amount ever pro- 
duced by the mine. The second largest amount produced was 
533,000 fine ounces, produced in 1972. 

AGC planned major expansions in the early 1990s funded by 
World Bank loans. In early 1991, the corporation announced 
the discovery of new reserves estimated at more than 8 million 
ounces, in addition to its known reserves of 22.3 million 
ounces. The new reserves include lower-grade and remnant 



170 



Production in a textile factory 
Goldfields and processing plant at Obuasi, south ofKumasi 
Courtesy Embassy of Ghana, Washington 



171 



Ghana: A Country Study 

ores that the corporation had been unwilling to mine because 
of high costs. AGC planned to lower costs through capital- 
intensive operations and a sharp reduction of labor costs. It 
also planned then to raise output from a projected 670,000 fine 
ounces for 1992 to more than 1 million fine ounces a year in 
1995. The expansion was to be funded by an International 
Finance Corporation loan package totaling US$140 million. 
AGC was to put up the balance, estimated to exceed US$200 
million. 

AGC was not the only company to benefit from an upsurge 
in production. Despite its increased production, the company's 
overall share of the domestic gold market declined from 80 
percent to 60 percent in the same period that other operators 
entered the industry. Provisional figures for 1991 showed that 
two new mines, Teberebie and Billiton Bogoso, produced 
100,000 fine ounces each, while other companies, including 
State Gold Mining Corporation, Southern Cross Mining Com- 
pany, Goldenrae, Bonte, and Okumpreko, were stepping up 
production. 

Several other enterprises were on the drawing board or were 
about to open by mid-1992. The British company Cluff 
Resources had raised US$10.2 million to finance a new mine at 
Ayanfuri. The company had been involved in exploration since 
1987 and planned to produce as much as 50,000 ounces of 
gold annually. A Canadian-Ghanaian joint-venture gold mine 
and associated processing facilities was commissioned in mid- 
1991 in Bogoso, western Ghana. Finally, in May 1992, a joint- 
venture company was created to prospect for gold in the Aowin 
Suamang district in Western Region. Shareholders in the new 
company included the Chinese government (32.68 percent), 
private investors in Hong Kong (32 percent), the Ghanaian 
government (10 percent), and private Ghanaian interests. 

In 1992 Ghana's gold production surpassed 1 million fine 
ounces, up from 327,000 fine ounces in 1987. In March 1994, 
the Ghanaian government announced that it would sell half of 
its 55 percent stake in AGC for an estimated US$250 million, 
which would then be spent on development projects. The 
authorities also plan to use some of the capital from the stock 
sale to promote local business and to boost national reserves. 
The minister of mines and energy dispelled fears that the stock 
sale would result in foreign ownership of the country's gold 
mines by saying that the government would have final say in all 
major stock acquisitions. 



172 



The Economy 



Diamonds 

The government also is trying to expand Ghana's diamond- 
mining industry, which has produced primarily industrial- 
grade gems from alluvial gravels since the 1920s. More than 11 
million carats of proven and probable reserves are located 
about 110 kilometers northwest of Accra. The main producer is 
the state-owned Ghana Consolidated Diamonds (GCD), which 
operates in the Birim River Basin. In the 1960s, the company 
mined 2 million carats of diamonds a year, but annual produc- 
tion in 1991 amounted to only 146,000 carats. This downturn 
resulted from technical problems and GCD's weak financial 
position. Production from all mines came to 688,000 carats in 
1991 and to 694,000 carats in 1992. 

In the early 1990s, the government announced plans to 
privatize its diamond-mining operations and to expand pro- 
duction. At Accra's invitation, De Beers of South Africa agreed 
to undertake an eighteen-month feasibility study to determine 
the extent of the Birim River Basin diamond reserves. The sur- 
vey was to cost US$1 million. A De Beers subsidiary will be the 
operator and manager of GCD, while Lazare Kaplan Interna- 
tional, a New York-based diamond polishing and trading com- 
pany, will produce and market the diamonds. 

In 1989 the government established the Precious Minerals 
Marketing Corporation (PMMC) to purchase minerals from 
small producers in an effort to stem diamond smuggling. Esti- 
mates suggested that as much as 70 percent of Ghana's dia- 
monds was being smuggled out of the country in the mid- 
1980s. In its first sixteen months of operation, the PMMC 
bought 382,423 carats of diamonds and 20,365 ounces of gold 
and sold 230,000 carats of diamonds worth US$8 million. The 
corporation also earned £130 million in 1991 on its jewelry 
operations, up 48 percent from the previous year, and it 
planned to establish joint marketing ventures with foreign 
firms to boost sales abroad. Nevertheless, because of new com- 
plaints over raw gem sales, the government in March 1992 
ordered an investigation into the operations of the state agency 
and suspended its managing director. 

Manganese 

Ghana is one of the world's leading exporters of manganese; 
however, only 279,000 tons were produced in 1992, compared 
with the all-time high of 638,000 tons in 1974-75. Ghana has 



173 



Ghana: A Country Study 

reserves exceeding 60 million tons, and considerable rehabili- 
tation of the sector took place in the 1980s. Ghana National 
Manganese Corporation's mine and the surrounding infra- 
structure were repaired, helping to raise production from a low 
of 159,000 tons in 1983 to 284,000 tons in 1989 and 247,000 
tons in 1990. The corporation earned US$20 million from its 
exports in 1991, up from US$11.6 million in 1989 and US$14.2 
million in 1990. Approximately US$85 million was also 
invested by private investors at the newly explored Kwesikrom 
deposit. 

Petroleum Exploration 

Although commercial quantities of offshore oil reserves 
were discovered in the 1970s, by 1990 production was still neg- 
ligible. In 1983 the government established the Ghana 
National Petroleum Corporation (GNPC) to promote explora- 
tion and production, and the company reached agreements 
with a number of foreign firms. The most important of these 
permitted US-based Amoco to prospect in ten offshore blocks 
between Ada and the western border with Togo. Petro Canada 
International has prospected in the Tano River Basin and Dia- 
mond Shamrock in the Keta Basin. In 1989 three companies, 
two American and one Dutch, spent US$30 million drilling 
wells in the Tano basin. On June 21, 1992, an offshore Tano 
basin well produced about 6,900 barrels of oil daily. 

In the early 1990s, GNPC reviewed all earlier oil and gas dis- 
coveries to determine whether a predominantly local opera- 
don might make exploitation more commercially viable. GNPC 
wanted to set up a floating system for production, storage, off- 
loading, processing, and gas-turbine electricity generation, 
hoping to produce 22 billion cubic feet per day, from which 
135 megawatts of power could be generated and fed into the 
national and regional grid. GNPC also won a contract in 1992 
with Angola's state oil company, Sonangol, that provides for 
drilling and, ultimately, production at two of Sonangol's off- 
shore oil fields. GNPC will be paid with a share of the oil. 

The country's refinery at Tema underwent the first phase of 
a major rehabilitation in 1989. The second phase began in 
April 1990 at an estimated cost of US$36 million. Once rehabil- 
itation is completed, distribution of liquified petroleum gas will 
be improved, and the quantity supplied will rise from 28,000 to 
34,000 barrels a day Construction on the new Tema-Akosombo 
oil products pipeline, designed to improve the distribution sys- 



174 



The Economy 



tern further, began in January 1992. The pipeline will carry 
refined products from Tema to Akosombo Port, where they will 
be transported across Lake Volta to northern regions. Distribu- 
tion continues to be uneven, however. Other measures to 
improve the situation include a US$28 million project to set up 
a national network of storage depots in all regions. 

The Tema Lube Oil Company commissioned its new oil 
blending plant, designed to produce 25,000 tons of oil per 
year, in 1992. The plant will satisfy all of Ghana's requirements 
for motor and gear lubricants and 60 percent of the country's 
need for industrial lubricants, or, in all, 90 percent of Ghana's 
demand for lubricant products. Shareholders include Mobil, 
Shell, and British Petroleum (together accounting for 48 per- 
cent of equity), GNPC, and the Social Security and National 
Insurance Trust. 

Manufacturing and Tourism 
Manufacturing 

At independence in 1957, the Nkrumah government 
launched an industrialization drive that increased manufactur- 
ing's share of GDP from 10 percent in 1960 to 14 percent in 
1970. This expansion resulted in the creation of a relatively 
wide range of industrial enterprises, the largest including the 
Volta Aluminum Company (Valco) smelter, saw mills and tim- 
ber processing plants, cocoa processing plants, breweries, 
cement manufacturing, oil refining, textile manufacturing 
operations, and vehicle assembly plants. Many of these enter- 
prises, however, survived only through protection. The overval- 
ued cedi, shortages of hard-currency for raw materials and 
spare parts, and poor management in the state sector led to 
stagnation from 1970 to 1977 and then to decline from 1977 to 
1982. 

Thereafter, the manufacturing sector never fully recovered, 
and performance remained weak into the 1990s. Underutiliza- 
tion of industrial capacity, which had been endemic since the 
1960s, increased alarmingly in the 1970s, with average capacity 
utilization in large- and medium-scale factories falling to 21 
percent in 1982. Once the ERP began, the supply of foreign 
exchange for imported machinery and fuel substantially 
improved, and capacity utilization climbed steadily to about 40 
percent in 1989. Nevertheless, by 1987 production from the 



175 



Ghana: A Country Study 

manufacturing sector was 35 percent lower than in 1975 and 26 
percent lower than in 1980. 

Ghana's record with industrialization projects since indepen- 
dence is exemplified by its experience with aluminum, the 
country's most conspicuous effort to promote capital-intensive 
industry. This venture began in the mid-1960s with the con- 
struction of a 1,186-megawatt hydroelectric dam on the lower 
Volta River at Akosombo. Built with assistance from Britain, the 
United States, and the World Bank, the Akosombo Dam was 
the centerpiece of the Volta River Project (VRP), which the 
Nkrumah government envisioned as the key to developing an 
integrated aluminum industry based on the exploitation of 
Ghana's sizable bauxite reserves and its hydroelectric potential. 
Foreign capital for the construction of an aluminum smelter in 
Tema was obtained from US-based Kaiser Aluminum, which 
acquired a 90 percent share in Valco, and from US-based Rey- 
nolds Aluminum, which held a 10 percent share. Valco became 
the principal consumer of VRP hydroelectricity, using 60 per- 
cent of VRP-generated power and producing up to 200,000 
tons of aluminum annually during the 1970s. 

Changing global economic conditions and severe drought 
dramatically affected the Ghanaian aluminum industry during 
the 1980s. The discovery of vast bauxite reserves in Australia 
and Brazil created a global oversupply of the mineral and 
induced a prolonged recession in the aluminum trade. Under 
these conditions, Valco found it far more economical to import 
semi-processed alumina from Jamaica and South Korea than to 
rely on local supplies, despite the discovery in the early 1970s 
of sizable new deposits at Kibi. Valco's refusal to build an alumi- 
num production facility brought Kaiser and Reynolds into bit- 
ter conflict with the government. 

Severe drought compounded the effects of unfavorable mar- 
ket conditions by reducing the electricity generating capacity 
of the Akosombo Dam and by forcing a temporary shutdown of 
the smelter from 1983 to 1985. Aluminum production was slow 
to recover in the wake of the shutdown. In the early 1990s, alu- 
minum production and exports continued to be negligible. 

Drastic currency devaluation after 1983 made it exception- 
ally expensive to purchase inputs and difficult to obtain bank 
credit, which hurt businessmen in the manufacturing sector. 
Furthermore, the ERP's tight monetary policies created liquid- 
ity crises for manufacturers, while liberalization of trade meant 
that some enterprises could not compete with cheaper 



176 



The Economy 



imports. These policies hurt industries beset by long recession, 
hyperinflation, outmoded equipment, weak demand, and 
requirements that they pay 100 percent advances for their own 
inputs. Local press reports have estimated the closure of at 
least 120 factories since 1988, mainly because of competitive 
imports. The garment, leather, electrical, electronics, and 
pharmaceuticals sectors have been particularly hard hit. In 
1990, even the New Match Company, the only safety match 
company in the country, closed. 

ERP strategies made it difficult for the government to assist 
local enterprises. Committed to privatization and the rule of 
free-market forces, the government was constrained from offer- 
ing direct assistance or even from moderating some policies 
that had an obviously detrimental impact on local manufactur- 
ers. Nevertheless, the Rawlings government initiated programs 
to promote local manufacturing. 

In 1986 the government established the Ghana Investment 
Center to assist in creating new enterprises. Between 1986 and 
1990, the vast majority of projects approved — 444 of 621 — were 
in the manufacturing sector. Projected investment for the 
approved ventures was estimated at US$138 million in 1989 
and at US$136 million in 1990. In the initial phase, timber was 
the leading sector, giving way in 1990 to chemicals. In 1991 the 
government established an office to deal with industrial dis- 
tress in response to complaints that "unrestrained imports" of 
foreign products were undermining local enterprises. The 
1992 budget included assistance for local industrialists; £2 bil- 
lion was set aside as financial support for "deserving enter- 
prises." 

The dominant trends in manufacturing, nonetheless, were 
the involvement of foreign capital and the initiation of joint 
ventures. Significant new enterprises included a US$8 million 
Taiwanese-owned factory, capable of turning out ten tons of 
iron and steel products per hour, which began trials at Tema in 
1989. Although approximately 500 projects had been approved 
since the investment code came into force in 1985, almost half 
had still not been launched by the end of 1989. Between 90 
and 95 percent of the approved projects were joint ventures 
between foreign and local partners, 80 percent of which were 
in the wood industry. Restructuring of the sector was proceed- 
ing through divestiture, import liberalization, and promotion 
of small-scale industries. 



177 



Ghana: A Country Study 



Electric Power 

In the early 1990s, Ghana's total generating capacity was 
about 1,187 megawatts, and annual production totalled 
approximately 6 million kilowatt hours. The main source of 
supply is the Volta River Authority with six 127-megawatt tur- 
bines. The authority's power plant at Akosombo provides the 
bulk of all electricity consumed in Ghana, some 60 percent of 
which is purchased by Valco for its smelter. The power plant 
also meets most of the energy needs of Togo and Benin, which 
amounted to an estimated equivalent of 180,000 tons of oil in 
1991. The balance of Ghana's electricity is produced by diesel 
units owned by the Electricity Corporation of Ghana, by min- 
ing companies, and by a 160-megawatt hydroelectric plant at 
Kpong, about forty kilometers downstream from Akosombo. A 
third dam at Bui on the Black Volta River has been under study 
for some time, with the aim of increasing power supplies in 
northern Ghana or of selling power to Cote d'lvoire and 
Burkina Faso (Burkina, formerly Upper Volta). There have 
been difficulties, however, in raising the funds needed for the 
450-megawatt generating plant. Other sites with the potential 
for power generation, on the Pra River, the Tano River, the 
White Volta River, and the Ankobra River, would also require 
substantial investment. 

Ghana has attempted to increase distribution of its electric- 
ity throughout the country. One program, funded by the 
World Bank's International Development Association, will pro- 
vide reliable and widespread electricity in the urban and south- 
ern parts of the country. In addition, the extension of the 
national grid to the Northern Region was commissioned in 
1989. The extension links northern Ghana to the power gener- 
ated from the Akosombo Dam. 

The second phase of the extension will connect major towns 
in Upper East Region with the regional capital, Bolgatanga, at 
a cost of US$100 million. The final phase will see exports of 
electricity across the northern border to Burkina. In early 
1991, furthermore, the International Development Association 
announced a loan to the Electricity Corporation of Ghana to 
finance the supply and expansion of electricity networks in the 
northwestern areas of Accra. The corporation aims to extend 
the supply of electricity to all isolated centers where diesel is 
the main source of power. 

Plans were also afoot to increase the supply of electricity by 
utilization of thermal energy. Construction was anticipated by 



178 



Hydroelectric sluices in the Akosombo Dam 
Courtesy Embassy of Ghana, Washington 

late 1994 on the country's first thermal power generating plant 
near Takoradi. Scheduled for completion in 1997, the plant 
will contribute 300 megawatts of electricity to the national grid. 

Ghana has a National Nuclear Research Institute, which 
trains undergraduate and postgraduate students in the tech- 
niques of nuclear science application in such areas as agricul- 
ture, medicine, and research. In late 1994, work was nearing 
completion on a nuclear reactor at Kwabenyan, near Accra, to 
be used to aid research in these fields. In addition, a second 
nuclear physics center is to be established in Kumasi on the 
recommendation of the Ghana Atomic Energy Commission. 

Tourism 

Under Ghana's 1985 investment code, tourism is a priority 
sector with incentives and benefits for investors. The govern- 



179 



Ghana: A Country Study 

ment hopes to triple its foreign exchange earnings from tour- 
ism under a five-year tourism plan, based on a projection that 
between 1991 and 1995, the number of tourists visiting Ghana 
every year will double from the 1991 base of 145,000. Jobs in 
the tourism industry are projected to reach 270,000, with more 
created in other sectors that derive business from the tourist 
trade. There are also incentives for star-rated hotels, approved 
tourist villages and beaches, and holiday recreational resorts. 
Investors are involved in the development of other tourist 
attractions, such as waterfalls, beaches, forts, castles, and histor- 
ical sites, and even in specialized restaurants, tourist coaches, 
and buses. Incentives in this sector include tax and rate exemp- 
tions on building properties for three years in addition to 
investment and depreciation allowances. 

Transportation and Telecommunications 

Ghana's transportation and communications networks are 
centered in the southern regions, especially the areas in which 
gold, cocoa, and timber are produced. The northern and cen- 
tral areas are connected through a major road system; some 
areas, however, remain relatively isolated. 

The deterioration of the country's transportation and com- 
munications networks has been blamed for impeding the distri- 
bution of economic inputs and food as well as the transport of 
crucial exports. Consequently, the first priority of the ERP was 
to repair physical infrastructure. Under the program's first 
phase (1983-86), the government allocated US$1.5 billion, or 
36 percent of total investment, for that purpose and an addi- 
tional US$222 million in 1987 for road and rail rehabilitation. 
In 1991 the Ghanaian government allocated 27 percent of its 
budget for various road schemes. 

Foreign donor support helped to increase the number of 
new vehicle registrations from 8,000 in 1984 to almost 20,000 
in 1989. The distribution of vehicles was skewed, however, 
because, by 1988, more than half of all vehicles were in Accra, 
which contained approximately 7 percent of the country's pop- 
ulation. Furthermore, most new vehicles are intended for pri- 
vate use rather than for hauling goods and people, a reflection 
of income disparities. Transportation is especially difficult in 
eastern regions, near the coast, and in the vast, underdevel- 
oped northern regions, where vehicles are scarce. At any one 
time, moreover, a large percentage of intercity buses and Accra 
city buses are out of service. 



180 



The Economy 



Roads and Railroads 

Ghana contains about 32,250 kilometers of roads, of which 
about 12,000 kilometers are main roads. Approximately 6,000 
kilometers are paved; the remainder are gravel, crushed stone, 
or graded earth. The country's rail network is 953 kilometers in 
length; all track is 1.067 meter (narrow) gauge and all but 
thirty-two kilometers are single track. The network connects 
Sekondi-Takoradi with Kumasi and Accra; branch lines run to 
Prestea, Awaso, Kade, Tema, and Shai Hills (see fig. 10). Poor 
rural infrastructure has been blamed for problems in agricul- 
ture, partly because transportation costs account for about 70 
percent of the difference between farm prices and retail prices. 
Only about one-third of the feeder road network can carry 
vehicular traffic. 

The government has no plans to extend the railway system 
beyond its limited coverage of the southwestern regions of the 
country. The western section of the rail system (Takoradi- 
Kumasi) was renovated under a US$240 million program, the 
bulk of which the World Bank financed. Figures indicate a 
downward trend in passenger traffic from a high of 389 per 
kilometer in 1988 to 277 per kilometer in 1990. Freight steadily 
increased throughout the 1980s from forty-four million tons 
per kilometer in 1984 to a decade high of 131 million tons per 
kilometer in 1989. 

The government has instead focused on improvement of the 
road system. Since 1985 all trunk roads and about 2,900 kilo- 
meters of feeder roads as well as a number of bridges and 
drainage systems have been undergoing repairs. For example, 
275 kilometers of the Accra-Kumasi road's northern section are 
slated to be repaved, but as of early 1994 only the 135 kilome- 
ters from Kumasi to Anyinam had been completed. In 1987 
Japan offered US$80 million to rehabilitate the main road 
between Kumasi and Takoradi, which carries cocoa and timber 
exports; this project was well under way in 1993. By the early 
1990s, a World Bank loan of US$22 million was funding the 
rehabilitation of three major roads in Accra in yet another 
effort to ease import and export traffic. The road between 
Tema and Akosombo, an important link in the transportation 
network between the Gulf of Guinea and Burkina, was also due 
for improvement. 

Ports and Shipping 

Ghana has two deep artificial harbors, one at Tema and the 



181 



Ghana: A Country Study 




not necessarily authoritative 



Figure 10. Transportation System, 1994 

other at Takoradi. The first stage of the government's five-year 
plan to improve Ghana's physical infrastructure began with the 
expenditure of US$80 million to rehabilitate the port at Tema. 
As a result of the work, the port's capacity for handling dry ton- 
nage rose by 50 percent to 2.7 million tons. Work planned at 
Takoradi should increase capacity by 128 percent to 1.6 million 
tons. The Volta River, the Ankobra River, and the Tano River 
provide 168 kilometers of perennial navigation for launches 



182 



The Economy 



and lighters. Lake Volta provides 1,125 kilometers of arterial 
and feeder waterways. In addition, the government is develop- 
ing new ports on Lake Volta to create an inland waterway net- 
work. Ghana's merchant marine service includes six ships (five 
cargo and one refrigerated) . 

Civil Aviation 

On July 4, 1958, the Ghanaian government established 
Ghana Airways (GA) to replace the former African Airways 
Corporation. By the mid-1990s, GA operated international 
scheduled passenger and cargo service to numerous European, 
Middle Eastern, and African destinations, including London, 
Dusseldorf, Rome, Abidjan, Dakar, Lagos, Lome, and Johan- 
nesburg. The airline also operates direct service to New York. 
The GA fleet includes two Fokker 28s, one McDonnell Douglas 
DC-10, and one McDonnell Douglas DC-9. Since the late 
1980s, GA has received overhaul and maintenance service 
from, among others, Swissair, Field Aircraft Services, and Fok- 
ker Aviation. Historically, the airline has suffered from chronic 
financial problems and thus has had difficulties meeting its for- 
eign debt obligations. Additionally, GA has been unable to pur- 
chase new aircraft to bolster its domestic and regional routes. 

Ghana has eleven airports, six with hard surfaced runways. 
The most important are Kotoka International Airport at Accra 
and airports at Sekondi-Takoradi, Kumasi, and Tamale that 
serve domestic air traffic. In 1990 the government spent US$12 
million to improve Accra's facilities. Workmen resurfaced the 
runway, upgraded the lighting system, and built a new freight 
terminal. Construction crews also extended and upgraded the 
terminal building at Kumasi. In early 1991, the government 
announced further plans to improve Accra's international air- 
port. The main runway was upgraded, improvements were 
made in freight landing and infrastructure, and the terminal 
building and the airport's navigational aids were upgraded. 

Telecommunications 

Despite improvements carried out in the 1980s under the 
auspices of the Economic Community of West African States 
(ECOWAS), Ghana's telecommunications system continues to 
be one of the least developed in Africa. In 1994 the country 
counted about 50,000 telephones, or approximately 2.6 tele- 
phones per 1,000 people, one of the world's lowest figures. 
Telephone service is heavily concentrated in Accra, and even in 



183 



Ghana: A Country Study 

the capital, only government offices, large commercial con- 
cerns, or wealthier households have telephone service. Domes- 
tic long-distance communications are carried over two radio- 
relay systems, one that extends east-west through the major 
coastal cities, and another that goes north from the capital to 
Burkina. International telecommunications, except to neigh- 
boring countries, are sent via a satellite ground station near 
Accra. This station, working with the International Telecom- 
munications Satellite Organization (Intelsat) Atlantic Ocean 
Satellite, provides high-quality telephone, television, and data 
links to countries in Africa, Europe, and the Americas. 

Broadcast service is typical of African countries. The country 
has four amplitude modulation (AM) radio stations and one 
frequency modulation (FM) radio station. Three shortwave 
transmitters provide countrywide service: two for domestic 
reception that broadcast in English and six local languages, 
and one international transmitter that broadcasts in English, 
French, and Hausa. There are four (eight translators) televi- 
sion stations. Television transmitters are located at or near 
Accra, Cape Coast, Kumasi, and Bolgatanga; eight low-power 
television repeaters are located in smaller cities. In 1993 the 
country had an estimated 4 million radio receivers and 250,000 
television sets. 

In 1992 the Ghanaian government approved the formation 
of a National Communications Commission. This organization 
undertakes numerous missions, including the promotion of 
research and development, improvement of communications, 
management of the radio frequency spectrum, and encourage- 
ment of private ownership in the telecommunications sector. 
Given Ghana's lack of resources and the difficulty of acquiring 
foreign aid, it is unlikely that the commission will make any sig- 
nificant improvements in the country's telecommunications 
system in the near future. 

Foreign Investments and Assistance 

Despite efforts to increase private capital participation in the 
Ghanaian economy, in the early 1990s foreign investments con- 
tinued to be sparse, and the economy relied heavily on aid and 
loans. By 1991 the external debt exceeded US$4 billion, and it 
was nearly US$4.3 billion in 1992, an amount equal to the level 
of assistance provided by donors over the previous decade. The 
country continued to experience trade and service deficits 
even though exports increased. 



184 



Buses, such as this one at Navrongo in far northern Ghana, are a vital 

part of local transportation. 
Courtesy life in general (Brook, Rose, and Cooper Le Van) 
Traffic on the highway between Winneba and Accra 

Courtesy James Sanders 



185 



Ghana: A Country Study 
Investment 

Despite efforts to induce foreign investment in the economy, 
interest has been restricted primarily to the mining sector. 
Although at least eleven mining companies enjoyed some for- 
eign participation by 1990, the government had succeeded in 
creating only two joint ventures in former state enterprises out- 
side the mining industry. 

In 1985 the government adopted an investment code to 
encourage foreign investment. It excluded the petroleum and 
mining sectors, for which the government introduced a sepa- 
rate code in 1986; and it offered special conditions for agricul- 
ture, manufacturing (for export, using local raw materials, and 
for the production of agricultural equipment, spare parts, and 
machine tools), construction, and tourism. Agricultural 
projects were given a 45 percent corporate income tax allow- 
ance, a 100 percent allowance on plant and equipment, and a 
10 percent investment allowance. In manufacturing and con- 
struction, the investment allowance was 7.5 percent, with 
depreciation and capital allowances of 40 percent and 50 per- 
cent, respectively, the latter two halved in subsequent years. 
Finally, in tourism, the investment allowance was 7.5 percent, 
and the depreciation allowances were 50 percent for plant and 
20 percent for buildings, which also were halved in subsequent 
years. In all cases, imports required for the projects were 
exempted from duties. Additional tax reductions were granted 
to projects located in Kumasi and Sekondi-Takoradi, while 
other areas (excluding Accra-Tema) were given even larger 
reductions. 

Some activities (retail and wholesale trade, except where 
employed capital was over US$500,000; land transport; travel- 
advertising; estate agencies) were reserved for Ghanaian- 
owned firms. Foreign investors were required to supply a mini- 
mum of US$60,000 in the case of partnerships with Ghanaians, 
or US$100,000 in the case of fully owned enterprises. Only net 
foreign-exchange earning ventures were allowed to be fully 
owned by foreigners. The code guaranteed investments against 
nationalization, and where disputes needed arbitration, they 
were to be settled through existing international forums. 
Transfers abroad were allowed for dividend payments, debt ser- 
vicing, charges for technology transfers, or liquidation of enter- 
prises. Implementation of the code and processing of 
applications by potential investors were made the responsibili- 
ties of the Ghana Investment Center. 



186 



The Economy 



In mid-1993 Minister of Finance Kwesi Botchwey announced 
that a new investment code had been presented to Ghana's par- 
liament. Under the new code, minimum foreign capital 
requirements for joint ventures will be dropped from 
US$60,000 to US$10,000, and the minimum for fully owned 
foreign enterprises will be reduced to US$50,000. Companies 
established solely for export will be exempt from the minimum 
capital requirement. The new code outlaws government expro- 
priations and provides a five-year tax holiday for the agricul- 
tural and real estate sectors. 

Foreign Assistance and Loans 

Ghana's economic well-being and recovery program are 
closely tied to significant levels of foreign loans and assistance, 
especially from the World Bank and the International Mone- 
tary Fund. Altogether, between 1982 and 1990 foreign and 
multilateral donors disbursed a total of approximately US$3.5 
billion in official development assistance; at the same time, the 
country's external debt reached US$3.5 billion. By 1991 the 
largest bilateral donors were Germany, the United States, 
Japan, and Canada, which together provided Ghana with 
US$656 million in development assistance. The largest multi- 
lateral donors in 1991 included the European Community, the 
IMF, and the International Development Association, which 
furnished almost US$435 million to Ghana. 

In addition, the government obtained five IMF programs 
amounting to approximately US$1.6 billion: three standby 
loans, simultaneous Extended Fund Facility and Structural 
Adjustment Facility loans, and an Enhanced Structural Adjust- 
ment Facility loan in 1988. The government signed more than 
twenty policy-based program loans with the World Bank. The 
World Bank also sponsored six consultative group meetings; 
the first, held in November 1983, resulted in pledges of 
US$190 million. Between 1984 and 1991, almost US$3.5 billion 
more was raised at five additional meetings. 

In 1991 Ghana successfully raised the country's first syndi- 
cated loan in almost twenty years in the amount of US$75 mil- 
lion. The loan's collateral was a proportion of the country's 
cocoa crop. Special arrangements were made to ensure that a 
specific amount of the crop was purchased using letters of 
credit. Then in March 1992, the IMF announced that following 
the expiration of Ghana's third and final arrangement under 
the Enhanced Structural Adjustment Facility, Ghana needed 



187 



Ghana: A Country Study 



no further IMF financing. Even so, the Ghanaian government 
asked the IMF to monitor progress on the country's economic 
program and to continue policy dialogue. 

In early 1994, Ghana accepted the obligations of Article VIII 
of the IMF's Articles of Agreement. According to the IMF, 
Ghana will no longer impose restrictions on payments and 
transfers for current international transactions or engage in 
discriminatory currency arrangements or multiple currency 
practice without IMF approval. Ghana's decision undoubtedly 
will enhance its image with foreign investors and bankers. 

Balance of Trade and Payments 

Despite efforts under the ERP to stabilize the country's bal- 
ance of payments, Ghana's current account remained in deficit 
throughout the 1980s and into the early 1990s. Both trade and 
services deficits continued into the 1990s, given the country's 
dependence on concessional inflows and IMF funding. The 
current account deficit fell by US$91 million in 1986 from 
US$134 million in 1985, but it rose again by US$54 million in 
1987. After another recovery in 1988, the deficit was back at 
US$99 million in 1989 and widened to US$228 million in 1990, 
US$253 million in 1991, and US$378 million in 1992. It was 
projected to fall to US$190 million in 1994 (see table 10, 
Appendix). 

The government did succeed, however, in building up at 
least some external reserves. By the end of 1991, official for- 
eign-exchange reserves totaled US$538 million, more than 
double the level at the end of 1990 and the highest amount for 
at least a decade. The increase resulted from the Bank of 
Ghana's attempt to boost reserves to cover more than four 
months' imports. For example, the government allowed 
exporting companies to retain some of their foreign-exchange 
earnings inside the country. For Ashanti Goldfields Corpora- 
tion, the portion is 45 percent. Exporters of other products, 
except cocoa, may keep up to 35 percent of earnings in reten- 
tion accounts, and the Ghana Cocoa Board may keep 10 per- 
cent. The retained export earnings can be used for the import 
of equipment, spare parts, and essential inputs as well as for 
meeting the exporters' external financial obligations. By late 
December 1991, foreign exchange reserves were sufficient to 
finance almost twenty weeks of imports. In 1992 foreign- 
exchange reserves dropped to US$291.6 million because the 
government had to use its reserves to cover current foreign 



188 



The Economy 



obligations. By September 1993, the foreign-exchange reserve 
totalled US$276.9 million. 

Foreign assets and liabilities of the Ghanaian banking system 
as a whole showed a positive trend. Compared with the first 
half of 1991, Ghana's assets with reporting banks rose by 14.7 
percent to US$1 billion in the second half of the year. Assets at 
the end of 1991 were 12.7 percent higher than the US$923 mil- 
lion on hand at the end of 1990. Liabilities also rose signifi- 
cantly from US$368 million to US$437 million during the first 
half of 1991 and by 25.9 percent during the year as a whole. 
Overall, however, there was a positive net increase. Net assets 
stood at US$603 million at the end of 1991 as against US$539 
million in June 1991 and US$576 million in December 1990. 

Growth Trends and Potential 

During the 1980s, the Ghanaian government successfully 
rehabilitated major economic sectors that had deteriorated 
since the 1960s. Throughout the decade, Ghana saw growth in 
GDP and the repair of some of its economic infrastructure. 
Through fiscal austerity, the government achieved balanced 
budgets at the same time that it invested in development 
projects. In particular, the export sector regained some 
strength by the early 1990s with a resurgence in cocoa, gold, 
and timber exports. 

The cost of this growth, however, raised serious questions 
about the long-term viability of the government's programs. 
Growth has been possible only through foreign assistance and 
loans, which totaled US$7 billion by 1990. Although the gov- 
ernment has been effective in directing these funds toward 
productive sectors, it has cut current spending on social ser- 
vices, which will require attention in the future. Currency 
devaluations, while helping exports, have increased both the 
cost of living and prices for imports. Most important, the gov- 
ernment has emphasized export production, while subjecting 
import-substitution industries to stiff foreign competition and 
neglecting local crop production, leading to an increasing reli- 
ance on imports of goods and food. Thus, although exports 
have increased, they have been offset by rising imports, with 
the result that Ghanaians are increasingly subjected to higher 
prices. 

The Economic Recovery Program has succeeded in allowing 
Ghana to regain its international credit standing and has 
curbed the worst excesses of economic protectionism. The 



189 



Ghana: A Country Study 

country is in a position to exploit its considerable agricultural 
and mineral potential. At the same time, sustained long-term 
growth will require that attention be given to domestic indus- 
tries and to consumption rather than exclusively to exports and 
the wealth generated thereby. 

* * * 

Sources on Ghana's economic past and present are relatively 
rich and varied because of the country's continuing promi- 
nence in discussions about economic development and struc- 
tural adjustment programs on the African continent. For good 
historical studies, see Kwame Yeboah Daaku's Trade and Politics 
on the Gold Coast, 1600-1720 and Edward Reynolds's Trade and 
Economic Change on the Gold Coast, 1807-1874. Polly Hill's study, 
The Migrant Cocoa-Farmers of Southern Ghana: A Study in Rural 
Capitalism, is a seminal examination of African economic initia- 
tive and enterprise during the colonial period. For the inde- 
pendence period, see Tony Killick's Development Economics in 
Action: A Study of Economic Policies in Ghana, Douglas Rimmer's 
Staying Poor: Ghana' s Political Economy, 1950-1990, and Donald 
Rothchild's "Ghana and Structural Adjustment: An Overview." 
The multilateral assistance organizations have also published 
numerous studies of Ghana in light of its prominence as a 
showcase of structural adjustment policies. They include the 
Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development 
study by Alan Roe and Hartmut Schneider, Adjustment and 
Equity in Ghana, the World Bank's Ghana: 2000 and Beyond: Set- 
ting the Stage for Accelerated Growth and Poverty Reduction, and the 
International Monetary Fund's Ghana: Adjustment and Growth, 
1983-91. For statistics and current information, see Ghana in 
Figures, Quarterly Digest of Statistics, and Statistical Newsletter, all 
published by the Ghanaian government's Statistical Service, 
and the Economist Intelligence Unit's quarterly Country Report: 
Ghana and annual Country Profile: Ghana. Numerous periodi- 
cals contain much information about Ghana's economy, 
including African Business, Africa Economic Digest, and Africa 
Research Bulletin. (For further information and complete cita- 
tions, see Bibliography.) 



190 



Chapter 4. Government and Politics 



A wooden stool, decorated -with silver, from the palace asantehene in 
Kumasi; traditional symbol of authority (Asante) 



AFTER AN UNHAPPY SURVEY of the tragic history of liberal 
democracy in post-colonial Africa — a survey in which Ghana 
was certainly at the forefront — two astute observers of the Afri- 
can political scene asked, "If Western democracy . . . ended up 
looking like a sad cross between paternalism and corruption, 
what are the alternatives? What might an indigenous African 
form of democracy look like?" They claimed that the answer 
had to be sought in the ideas and forms of equality and partici- 
pation found in the village council and similar institutions of 
community governance. Thus, according to them, a "greater 
reliance on modern variations of these forms might succeed 
where Western forms of democracy had failed." 

Ideas similar to these helped inspire the 31st December 1981 
Revolution in Ghana. The revolution set in motion a process of 
national democratic transformation linked to the unfulfilled 
democratic ideals and aspirations of the June 4, 1979, popular 
uprising led by Jerry John Rawlings, chairman of what became 
the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC) after 1981. 
The PNDC leadership insisted that the revolution was not a car- 
bon copy of any other revolution and that it was aimed at 
resolving Ghana's socio-economic problems, using Ghana's his- 
torical experiences and cultural traditions as a basis. Thus, the 
PNDC leadership effectively challenged the notion that the 
options for Ghana's evolving democratic institutions and popu- 
lar grass-roots structures were limited to different versions of 
Marxism-Leninism, Western-style liberalism of the "left" or 
"right," or military rule, which had been practiced before the 
revolution and had not worked. 

Accordingly, four major, related themes of PNDC rule 
remained relatively constant throughout the tumultuous transi- 
tion to constitutional democracy, a movement that had wide- 
spread popular support. These were: a rejection of extreme 
ideological tendencies and of multiparty politics as practiced in 
Ghana since independence, which had been divisive, corrupt, 
and elitist; decentralization, aimed at the practical application 
of the ideas of mass participation going back to the early 
nationalist struggles against colonialism and at achieving a fun- 
damental restructuring of the machinery of government; estab- 
lishment of democratic structures and institutions at every level 
of society; and national unity and commitment to the ideals of 



193 



Ghana: A Country Study 

Pan-Africanism, nonalignment, and noninterference in the 
internal affairs of other countries. 

What perhaps ultimately distinguished the PNDC period 
from others were, on the negative side, the extent of political 
violence, repression of political dissent, and widespread human 
rights violations, which especially characterized the early 
period of PNDC rule. On the positive side, the PNDC was 
noted for its extraordinary ability to put together a capable 
team with the political will and resourcefulness to pull the 
country out of its deepest economic crisis in living memory 
and to return the country to democracy in the face of persis- 
tent "counterrevolutionary" pressures, numerous coup 
attempts, and moves to destabilize the regime. 

The PNDC government lasted for eleven turbulent years and 
survived presidential and parliamentary elections in 1992. In 
January 1993, Rawlings effected a relatively peaceful transition 
from military ruler to elected president of the Fourth Repub- 
lic. His pledge of policy continuity has ensured that in many 
significant respects the PNDC remains in power, but there is an 
important difference. The present government was elected 
under a new democratic constitution that guarantees funda- 
mental human rights, independence of the media, civil liber- 
ties, and the rule of law. 

The Provisional National Defence Council 

Within thirty-five years of Ghana's becoming a sovereign 
state, the country experienced, before its fourth return to mul- 
tiparty democratic government in January 1993, nine different 
governments (three civilian and six military), including a West- 
minster-style parliamentary democracy, a socialist single-party 
republic, and several military regimes following coups in 1966, 
1972, 1979, and 1981 (see Independent Ghana; The Fall of the 
Nkrumah Regime and Its Aftermath; and Ghana and the Rawl- 
ings Era, ch. 1; table 11, Appendix). 

The national leadership of postcolonial Ghana inherited 
state machinery that had evolved under British rule and that 
emphasized strong centralization of power and top-down deci- 
sion making. Kwame Nkrumah — prime minister, 1957-60; 
president, 1960-66 — unsuccessfully attempted to create a 
socialist economy in the early 1960s, but his effort merely 
served to compound the inevitable problems and dangers of 
administrative centralization and state intervention in the 
economy. These problems, which survived Nkrumah, included 



194 



Government and Politics 



political corruption, self-enrichment, misuse of power, lack of 
public accountability, and economic mismanagement, leading 
in turn to economic decline and stagnation and to the rapid 
erosion of political legitimacy and attendant coups d'etat. 
Authoritarian or arbitrary styles of leadership that limited gen- 
uine democratic participation and public debate on policy as 
well as the lack of political vision of successive postcolonial 
regimes (with the exception of Nkrumah's) contributed greatly 
to political instability and to the rapid alternation of civilian 
and military rule. 

One of the changes in government came on June 4, 1979, 
when a handful of junior officers seized power less than a 
month before scheduled elections. An Armed Forces Revolu- 
tionary Council (AFRC) was formed with the overriding objec- 
tive of ridding Ghana of official corruption, indiscipline in 
public life, and economic mismanagement before handing 
over power to a civilian government. A relatively unknown 
twenty-nine-year-old air force flight lieutenant, Jerry John Raw- 
lings, emerged as the leader of the AFRC. The so-called house- 
cleaning exercise embarked upon by the AFRC was extended 
to a variety of civilian economic malpractices such as hoarding, 
profiteering, and black-marketing. 

Parliamentary elections were duly held on June 18, 1979, as 
planned. A party of the Nkrumahist tradition, the People's 
National Party (PNP), won a majority of the parliamentary 
seats, and its leader, Hilla Limann, became president after a 
run-off election. On September 24, 1979, the AFRC handed 
over government to the PNP. At this time, Rawlings warned the 
PNP government that it was on probation and admonished the 
incoming officials to put the interest of the people first. 

The PNP administration was short-lived. On December 31, 
1981, Rawlings returned to office for the second time as head 
of the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC). He 
insisted that the 31st December 1981 Revolution was necessi- 
tated, among other factors, by the failure of the PNP adminis- 
tration to provide effective leadership and by the virtual 
collapse of the national economy and of state services. Upon 
assuming power, Rawlings immediately declared a "holy war" 
aimed at restructuring national political institutions, establish- 
ing genuine democracy based on Ghanaian ideals and tradi- 
tions, and rehabilitating the economy. 



195 



Ghana: A Country Study 



The Political Scene under the PNDC 

For democracy to function effectively in Ghana, it was neces- 
sary to relate Western democratic processes to Ghanaian politi- 
cal traditions. Peter Du Sautoy, a former district commissioner, 
recalled his attempt to explain British democracy in the coun- 
try before independence. His audience understood the process 
of election, but he was asked how one got rid of one's represen- 
tative when he no longer seemed to be representative. Du Sau- 
toy explained that one waited until the next election four or 
five years later. His Ghanaian audience felt that "this was most 
undemocratic — from time immemorial they had been able to 
get rid of their chiefs at any time, when, after mature consider- 
ation and discussion, they felt they no longer had confidence 
in them." 

This observation clearly defines one enduring aspect of the 
relationship between politics and democracy as understood by 
the ordinary Ghanaian. It also highlights the significance of 
indigenous political ideology and attitudes that constitute the 
core elements of the contemporary Ghanaian political tradi- 
tion. This political tradition, along with inherited colonial and 
Christian elements, informs and shapes the institutional pat- 
tern of political life. Its basic principles influence disputes and 
conflicts over the organization, distribution, maintenance, 
exercise, and transfer of power, and the allocation of economic 
resources in Ghanaian society. 

The published speeches of Rawlings provide evidence of the 
effective use of symbols and principles drawn from ancestral 
religious beliefs, Christianity, and chieftaincy. Indeed, Rawlings 
insisted throughout PNDC rule that the revolution's main and 
long-term goal was to create a more just society in which the 
interests of the majority were not repressed in favor of those of 
a tiny minority and in which the productivity of all Ghanaians 
would increase. He saw participatory democracy as the best 
guarantee of such a society. 

The PNDC leadership could scarcely avoid the ideological 
tension and strife generic to Ghanaian popular movements 
and mass-based political programs. Ironically, the ideological 
strife that haunted the PNDC leadership was similar to that 
which wrecked the PNP. In 1980 Limann, PNP leader and pres- 
ident of Ghana, had complained helplessly that the PNP as a 
mass party spanned the whole range of political ideas. He 
pointed out that party members included pragmatists, leftists, 
rightists, and centrists, and he stressed that no national party 



196 



Government and Politics 



with a broad social base could escape this mix. The left wing of 
the PNP — for example, the Kwame Nkrumah Revolutionary 
Guards — was Limann's severest critic. Some of the leaders of 
the same left wing and similar organizations joined the PNDC 
and attempted unsuccessfully in the early years of the revolu- 
tionary period to transform what was clearly a nationalist, pop- 
ular revolution in the direction of Marxism-Leninism (see The 
Second Coming of Rawlings: The First Six Years, 1982-87, ch. 

In the first year after the 1981 revolution, the PNDC regime 
established new political structures and legal institutions. The 
new administration rebuilt or reformed much of the pre-exist- 
ing local, regional, and national administrative machinery of 
governance in accordance with the avowed goals of the revolu- 
tion. During the following ten years, many of these new struc- 
tures of governance and consultation were modified in 
response to the demands of efficiency, social and economic 
realities, and internal and external political pressures. A num- 
ber of these institutional and structural changes were incorpo- 
rated into the 1992 constitution of the Fourth Republic. 

One such institution was the National Commission for 
Democracy (NCD), which evolved from the Electoral Commis- 
sion of the Third Republic. In 1984 the NCD invited the public 
to submit proposals on the future form of democratic govern- 
ment for the country. In addition, public meetings were held to 
discuss ways to realize true democracy in Ghana. As a result of 
these and other efforts, the NCD published its "Blue Book" on 
the creation of district political authority and on holding elec- 
tions. These efforts culminated in the district elections of 1988 
and the subsequent establishment of 110 district assemblies. In 
July 1990, the NCD initiated more public debates on the future 
political system of the country. This marked a significant step 
in the transition to democracy, which ended with the presiden- 
tial and parliamentary elections in November and December 
1992. 

By the late 1980s, the PNDC comprised nine members, the 
most important being Rawlings, the chairman. It was the high- 
est legislative and administrative body of the state. Below the 
PNDC was the Committee of Secretaries (cabinet), made up of 
nineteen secretaries (ministers) who met on a weekly basis 
under the chairmanship of a PNDC member (see fig. 11). The 
most prominent of the secretaries were those in charge of 
finance and economic planning, foreign affairs, education and 



197 



Ghana: A Country Study 



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198 



Government and Politics 



culture, local government and rural development, agriculture, 
health, mobilization and productivity, and chieftaincy affairs. 

Revolutionary Organs 

To lay the foundation for true democracy in Ghana, the 
PNDC created a controversial countrywide network of People's 
Defence Committees (PDCs) and Workers' Defence Commit- 
tees (WDCs), reorganized and renamed in late 1984 as Com- 
mittees for the Defence of the Revolution (CDRs). Established 
in villages, urban communities, and workplaces, the CDRs were 
intended to be organs of popular power and political initiative. 
Forces' Defence Committees were established in the armed 
forces and the police service. 

The most important aspect of the reorganization of the 
PDCs and the WDCs from the standpoint of the political and 
socioeconomic functions of the CDRs was the opening up of 
membership to all Ghanaians. This decision reversed the ear- 
lier exclusion from PDC/WDC membership of elite groups, 
such as chiefs and so-called exploiting classes. The change 
returned the revolution to its original objective of involving all 
Ghanaians in decision making and opened up possibilities for 
genuine national reconciliation. According to official direc- 
tives, the principal functions of the CDRs were to ensure demo- 
cratic participation in decision making in all communities and 
workplaces; to guard against corruption, abuse of power, sabo- 
tage, and social injustice; and to promote sustained national 
productivity by focusing efforts on the productive sectors of the 
economy. 

The other mass organizations of the revolution were the 
National Mobilisation Program, the 31st December Women's 
Movement, the Civil Defence Organisation (the militia), the 
National Youth Organising Commission, and the June Fourth 
Movement. The National Mobilisation Program started as an 
emergency program to receive and resettle Ghanaian return- 
ees from Nigeria in 1983. It soon developed into a cooperative 
movement engaged in a variety of economic and community 
development projects throughout Ghana. The 31st December 
Women's Movement aimed to bring about the political, social, 
and economic emancipation of Ghanaian women, especially 
rural women. 

The Civil Defence Organisation, popularly known as the 
militia, was set up as a paramilitary institution to assist other 
state organizations in national emergencies such as invasions, 



199 



Ghana: A Country Study 

bush fires, and floods. Members received special training in 
combat readiness to defend the nation against internal and 
external aggression and economic sabotage. The militia, in 
addition to combating crime in local communities, engaged in 
voluntary social and economic activities to help promote com- 
munity development. In this effort, it was often assisted by the 
National Youth Organising Commission, created in 1982 as 
part of the PNDC's efforts to establish a youth movement to 
carry out the objectives of the 31st December 1981 Revolution. 

The June Fourth Movement was a militant mass revolution- 
ary movement dedicated to keeping alive the ideals of the June 
4, 1979, uprising that Rawlings had led. It sought to arouse the 
population at large to assist in establishing so-called people's 
power within the avowed objectives of the revolutionary pro- 
cess. On a practical level, it worked with the militia and the 
National Youth Organising Commission in various community 
development projects. 

Participatory opportunities of the ordinary Ghanaian citizen 
were significantly expanded through membership in revolu- 
tionary organs. Before the establishment of the district assem- 
blies in 1989, the PNDC government was thus able to reach the 
rural population and to broaden its base of support by direct 
consultation. This was achieved through chiefs, the CDRs, and 
other national bodies such as the Democratic Youth League of 
Ghana, which in 1988 claimed a nationwide membership of 
more than 100,000. Other such groups included farmers' orga- 
nizations, market women's associations, trade union groups, 
students' organizations, and religious and other bodies. The 
PNDC's political opposition, however, hotly contested the dem- 
ocratic nature of such organs and saw them as nothing but 
state-sponsored vigilantes engaged in intimidation and human 
rights abuses. 

The Transition from Military Rule to Democratic 
Government 

Political Ferment under the PNDC 

As the country prepared to move toward constitutional rule 
in the late 1980s, the major concern of Ghanaians was how to 
ensure a relatively smooth and peaceful democratic transition. 
This concern was shared by the opposition, the activities of 
which were under constant surveillance by the national secu- 
rity agencies, and by the ruling PNDC, under pressure to 



200 



Government and Politics 



present a clear, firm timetable and program for a return to con- 
stitutional government. 

The transition process had unsavory features that many Gha- 
naians believed could lead to an outbreak of violence. Intense 
mutual suspicion and antipathy existed between the PNDC 
leadership and the opposition going back to the June 4, 1979, 
uprising and the draconian measures taken by the AFRC. On 
one side, Rawlings and the PNDC saw the opposition leaders 
not as individuals genuinely interested in real democracy but as 
elitist, corrupt, and self-seeking "big men" who had vowed to 
fight to the bitter end to reverse the gains of the revolution and 
to restore the old system of corruption and exploitation. 

On the other side, the opposition viewed Rawlings and his 
Ewe ethnic henchmen, notably Kojo Tsikata, his chief of secu- 
rity, as a bloodthirsty group with the worst human rights record 
in postcolonial Ghanaian history and one that was determined 
to retain power by any means. Many opposition leaders could 
not forgive Rawlings for the loss of lives, power, and property, 
and for the incarcerations inflicted on friends and relatives, if 
not on themselves, by the PNDC regime. The once respectable 
professional elite of comfortable lawyers, doctors, university 
professors, businessmen, and politicians in exile abroad could 
not hide their outrage at Ghana's being ruled by, in their view, 
a young, inexperienced, half-educated military upstart. 

It is against this background of intense mutual hostility and 
distrust and vicious political rivalry that the evolution of the 
democratic transition between 1988 and the inauguration of 
the Fourth Republic in January 1993 should be assessed and 
understood. This long transition process was characterized by 
two related struggles: the struggle for recovery from decades of 
economic decline and for better living standards for the aver- 
age Ghanaian; and the struggle for "true democracy," the 
meaning of which was hotly debated and gradually shifted, 
especially after 1988. These national struggles led to the recon- 
stitution of old political alliances and to the emergence of new 
political groupings. 

That it took the PNDC more than ten years to lift the ban 
imposed on political parties at the inception of PNDC rule not 
only demonstrated the PNDC's control over the pace and 
direction of political change but also confirmed the shallow- 
ness of the political soil in which the party system was rooted. 
Party activity had been banned under all of the military govern- 
ments that had dominated nearly twenty out of the thirty-five 



201 



Ghana: A Country Study 

years of Ghana's postcolonial existence. Even during periods of 
civilian administration, party organization had been largely 
urban centered and rudimentary. It had depended far more 
on personal alliances and on ethnic and local ties, as well as on 
patron-client relationships, than on nationally institutionalized 
structures. Party politics had tended to generate corruption 
and factionalism. The party system, therefore, never had any 
real hold on the consciousness of the average Ghanaian, espe- 
cially the rural Ghanaian. 

All the same, three major electoral political traditions have 
emerged in Ghana since the 1950s, namely, the Nkrumahist 
tradition, the Danquah-Busiaist tradition, and the more recent 
Rawlingsist tradition. These traditions are identified with their 
founders — each a commanding political figure — and are not 
necessarily mutually exclusive. In political terms, the Nkruma- 
hists are generally considered "leftist" and "progressive," the 
Danquah-Busiaists more "rightist" and more "conservative," 
and the Rawlingsists "populist" and "progressive." In practice, 
however, the traditions are less distinguishable by ideological 
orientation than by dominant personalities and ethnic origins. 

Against this background, the opposition call for multiparty 
democracy had to overcome great odds, not least of which was 
the intense prejudice of the chairman of the PNDC against 
political parties. Rawlings strongly believed that party politics 
had hitherto produced two forms of abuse of power — the "cor- 
rupt dictatorship" of the Kofi Abrefa Busia regime (1969-72) 
and the "arrogant dictatorship" of the Nkrumah (1957-66) 
and Limann (1979-81) governments. Nonpartisan, honest, 
and accountable government would provide an effective anti- 
dote to these abuses, he argued. Indeed, Rawlings appeared to 
have an almost fanatical belief that corruption was at the root 
of nearly all of Ghana's problems and that, if only it could be 
stamped out, the country would return to its former prosperity. 

In reaction to Rawlings's position, opposition groups, such as 
the London-based Ghana Democratic Movement and the Cam- 
paign for Democracy in Ghana, and individuals within and out- 
side Ghana committed to multiparty democracy, grew 
increasingly desperate as they focused on the single aim of 
overthrowing the PNDC regime. Between 1983 and 1986, at 
least a dozen coup plots were uncovered by an efficient and 
much-feared state security system (see The 1981 Coup and the 
Second Rawlings Government, ch. 5). At the same time, vigor- 
ous debates occurred within the PNDC, radical organizations, 



202 



Government and Politics 



and trade unions over the direction of economic policy, the 
content and form of true democracy, and the desirability of 
accepting International Monetary Fund (IMF — see Glossary) 
support for Ghana's Economic Recovery Program (ERP) (see 
The Economic Recovery Program, ch. 3). 

Urban workers and students especially exhibited growing 
frustration at their inability to influence policy or to express 
dissent through readily available channels. Many urban work- 
ers felt the CDRs did not effectively represent the opinions of 
workers in the way that the PDCs and the WDCs had done 
before their reorganization. In general, public criticism of gov- 
ernment policy was discouraged. In the face of repeated coup 
plots and destabilization attempts, which lasted throughout the 
PNDC period, the regime was eager to retain tight control of 
the political situation, and an independent press had difficulty 
surviving. All the same, the PNDC was clearly aware of the 
urgent need for the government to provide genuine demo- 
cratic channels and institutions to enable workers, students, 
professional bodies, and other interest groups to express dis- 
sent and to provide constructive criticism of government pol- 
icy. There was, therefore, a concerted effort to transform the 
CDRs and other revolutionary organs into real instruments of 
grass-roots democracy. The implementation of the government 
decentralization program and the establishment of district 
assemblies were likewise aimed at furthering the process of 
genuine popular democratization. 

Interest Groups and National Politics 

Among the politically active and influential organizations 
and interest groups are the Trade Union Congress (TUC), the 
Ghana Bar Association (GBA), the Christian Council of Ghana 
(CCG), the Catholic Bishops Conference (CBC), the Ghana 
Journalists Association, the National Union of Ghanaian Stu- 
dents (NUGS), the regional houses of chiefs, and the National 
House of Chiefs. Because political parties in Ghana have been 
weak and the national political system itself has been unstable, 
the enduring nature of some of these firmly established inter- 
est groups has often substituted for political stability. As a result 
of their stabilizing and quasi-political institutional role, interest 
groups such as the CBC, the CCG, and the GBA have exerted 
enormous influence on national policy. The relationship 
between incumbent governments and these powerful interest 
groups has never been easy, however; the government has 



203 



Ghana: A Country Study 

invariably tried to co-opt or to control, if not to intimidate, the 
leadership of these urban-based organizations. 

Of all politically active organizations, the TUC has always 
had the largest following, with a total membership in the early 
1990s of more than 500,000. This figure includes workers and 
salaried employees in the public and the private sectors who 
are members of the seventeen unions that are affiliated with 
the TUC. Since independence, successive governments have 
made repeated attempts to control it. Rawlings enjoyed the 
support of the TUC during the first two years of PNDC rule, 
but the stringent austerity measures introduced in the ERP in 
1983 led to discontent among union members adversely 
affected by devaluation, wage restraints, and lay-offs. By 1985 
the original support enjoyed by the PNDC in labor circles had 
all but disappeared. The PNDC worked hard to regain union 
support, however, and the National Democratic Congress gov- 
ernment of the Fourth Republic has continued to woo the 
unions through tripartite consultations involving itself, the 
TUC, and employers. 

From the inception to the end of PNDC rule in 1992, the 
CCG, the CBC, the GBA, NUGS, and the National House of 
Chiefs played prominent roles in the transition to democracy. 
These organizations took the provisional nature of the PNDC 
regime quite literally, calling for a quick return to democratic 
national government. Although NUGS and the GBA consis- 
tently demanded a return to multiparty democracy, the CCG, 
the CBC, and the national and regional houses of chiefs 
favored a nonpartisan national government. While the NUGS 
and GBA leadership used methods that frequently provoked 
confrontation with the PNDC, the CBC and the national and 
regional houses of chiefs preferred a more conciliatory 
method of political change, emphasizing national unity. 

The CCG, the CBC, and the national and regional houses of 
chiefs function openly as independent national lobbies to pro- 
mote common rather than special interests. They insist on 
negotiation and mediation in the management of national dis- 
putes, and they advocate policy alternatives that stress the long- 
term needs of society. In the past, they have taken bold initia- 
tives to attain the abrogation of state measures and legislation 
that violate human rights or that threaten law and order. All 
three bodies share a commitment to democracy, the rule of 
law, and the creation of political institutions that reflect Ghana- 
ian cultural traditions. 



204 



Government and Politics 



The GBA, like the other professional associations in Ghana, 
is concerned with maintaining the dignity of the legal profes- 
sion through a code of professional ethics and with promoting 
further learning and research in the profession. The main 
objectives of the GBA according to its constitution include the 
defense of freedom and justice, the maintenance of judicial 
independence, and the protection of human rights and funda- 
mental freedoms as defined under the United Nations Univer- 
sal Declaration of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. 
These objectives, by definition, have inevitably pitted the GBA 
against both military regimes and one-party governments, 
which on their part have considered the GBA at best a neces- 
sary evil. 

NUGS and its national executive, representing the more 
than 8,000 students of Ghana's three universities in Accra- 
Legon, Kumasi, and Cape Coast, are among the most vocal and 
articulate pressure groups in Ghana. By reason of their higher 
education in a largely illiterate society, students have often 
been in a position to agitate for far-reaching political, eco- 
nomic, and social change. Indeed, students have been in the 
forefront of political activism in Ghana since independence. 
NUGS was most vocal in its support of Rawlings and the PNDC 
in 1982, but this changed as the PNDC adopted policies that 
NUGS considered to be against the welfare of students in par- 
ticular and of Ghanaians in general. 

The CCG, another vocal and influential interest group, was 
founded in 1929. The CCG's principal function is advisory; it 
acts through consultation among its member churches. The 
CCG operates through several committees, including educa- 
tion, social action (national affairs), and literacy campaigns. 
The CCG is a member of the World Council of Churches and 
other ecumenical bodies, and it is a strong advocate of human 
rights. 

The CBC, the highest local unifying authority of the Roman 
Catholic Church in Ghana, dates to 1950, although the church 
itself has been in Ghana since the fifteenth century. The CBC 
has established a Joint Social Action Committee for coopera- 
tion between it and the CCG. 

The National House of Chiefs and the ten regional houses of 
chiefs represent more than 32,000 recognized traditional rul- 
ers who exercise considerable influence throughout Ghana, 
especially in the countryside. As trustees of communal lands 
and natural resources, chiefs are often the pivot around which 



205 



Ghana: A Country Study 

local socio-economic development revolves. The 1992 constitu- 
tion, like all previous constitutions, guarantees the institution 
of chieftaincy together with its traditional councils as estab- 
lished by customary law and usage. To preserve their role as 
symbols of national unity, however, chiefs are forbidden from 
active participation in party politics. 

District Assembly Elections 

The main political preoccupations of the PNDC and the 
Ghanaian public in 1988 were the implementation of the gov- 
ernment's decentralization program and the elections to the 
new District Assemblies (DAs). In a speech commemorating his 
fifth year in power in January 1987, Rawlings had announced 
proposals for the decentralization of government. These had 
included promises of elections for DAs and a national debate 
on the ERR The debate on the ERP never materialized, but 
debates on the elections and the DAs did. 

Among the radical changes introduced in local government 
elections were provisions that no cash deposits were required 
of candidates for district-level elections and that illiteracy in 
English was no longer a disqualification. To accommodate non- 
English speakers in the DAs and to make assembly debates 
accessible to the majority of constituents, local languages could 
be used in the DAs. The elections were to be nonpartisan: the 
ban on political parties was not lifted. Implementation of the 
decentralization program and preparation for the district elec- 
tions did not completely silence the opposition, nor did it 
remove the sources of public discontent and disaffection 
toward the government within some sections of the Ghanaian 
population. 

In 1988 there was no indication of what political structures 
and institutions would be established above the DAs at regional 
and national levels. Nor was it clear whether creation of the 
DAs was intended to broaden the civilian support base of the 
PNDC, thereby legitimizing and perpetuating PNDC rule 
indefinitely. Some felt that the word "provisional" in the 
regime's name sounded a bit hollow after five years in power. 
Indeed, many read the proposed district elections as a strategy 
similar to the union government proposal in 1978 that had not 
been implemented because of its widespread unpopularity (see 
The National Redemption Council Years, 1972-79, ch. 1). 

In February 1988, Adu Boahen, a retired history professor 
and later a presidential candidate and Rawlings's main chal- 



206 



Sessional Meeting of a House of Chiefs 
Courtesy Embassy of Ghana, Washington 



lenger, delivered three lectures in which he severely criticized 
military rule in Ghana and the PNDC regime in particular as 
the causes of political instability. He affirmed that the AFRC 
led by Rawlings in 1979 was completely unnecessary. He 
attacked the alleged domination of the PNDC regime and of 
major national institutions by the Ewe and called for an interim 
coalition government within a year and for a return to multi- 
party democracy by 1992. The state-owned national media 
attacked Boahen's criticism of the PNDC but did not report the 
original text of the lectures. 

For the DA elections, the country was divided into three 
zones by region. Zone one consisted of Western Region, Cen- 
tral Region, Ashanti Region, and Eastern Region; zone two, of 
Upper East Region, Upper West Region, and Northern Region; 
and zone three, of Greater Accra Region, Volta Region, and 



207 



Ghana: A Country Study 

Brong-Ahafo Region (see fig. 1). The first round of the nonpar- 
tisan elections took place on December 6, 1988, in zone one of 
the country, with polling in zones two and three following on 
January 31 and February 28, 1989, respectively (see table 12, 
Appendix). District election committees disqualified several 
candidates in a number of districts for various offenses, includ- 
ing nonpayment of taxes, refusal to participate in communal 
labor, and shirking other civic responsibilities. With an esti- 
mated average turnout rate of about 60 percent of registered 
voters (some rural districts had a 90 percent turnout), the 
highest for any election in two decades, most Ghanaians saw 
this first step toward the establishment of national democratic 
institutions as quite successful. The opposition, although criti- 
cal of the composition of the DAs, accepted the assemblies in 
principle. 

The DAs gave new momentum to the exercise of grass-roots 
democracy as well as to local determination of and implemen- 
tation of development projects. The principle of nonpartisan, 
decentralized political structure proved popular. By-laws passed 
by the DAs had to be deposited with the PNDC secretariat 
immediately after their passage. If within twenty-one days the 
PNDC raised no objection to them, they automatically became 
law. 

Some elected representatives, a majority of whom were farm- 
ers and school teachers, resented the fact that PNDC appoin- 
tees, mostly chiefs and professionals who constituted one-third 
of the memberships of the DAs, often sought to dominate the 
proceedings. Also, most of the districts and their people were 
poor, and the DAs' quick resort to taxes and numerous levies to 
raise much-needed revenue proved burdensome and unpopu- 
lar. In some parts of the country, for example Cape Coast and 
Accra, there were protests and tax revolts. In August 1989, 
regional coordinating councils were formed in all ten regions 
to streamline the work of the DAs and to coordinate district 
policies and projects. The PNDC made it clear that DAs had no 
power to collect or to levy income taxes. 

Charting the Political Transition 

The inauguration of the DAs removed some of the political 
pressures on the PNDC, but political ferment continued in 
some sectors of the population. So, too, did the arrest and 
detention of leading opponents of the PNDC regime. The 
most publicized of the latter was the arrest and detention in 



208 



Government and Politics 



September 1989 of Major Courage Quarshigah, ex-comman- 
dant of the Ghana Military Academy and a former close ally of 
Rawlings. He was accused of leading an attempted coup and of 
an alleged plot to assassinate Rawlings (see The 1981 Coup and 
the Second Rawlings Government, ch. 5). 

A new phase of the political struggle of the opposition 
against the PNDC opened in January 1990 when the GBA 
called on the PNDC to initiate immediately a referendum that 
would permit the Ghanaian people to determine openly the 
form of constitutional government they wished for themselves. 
In his end-of-year message in 1989, Rawlings had promised that 
the government would strengthen participatory democracy at 
the grass-roots level. He also proposed that the NCD initiate 
nationwide consultations with various groups to determine the 
country's economic and political future. These consultations 
consisted of a series of seminars, in all ten regional capitals, 
that ran from July 5 to November 9, 1990, at which the public 
was invited to express its views. 

Meanwhile, the CBC issued a communique calling for a 
national debate on Ghana's political future. On July 24, the 
Kwame Nkrumah Revolutionary Guards (KNRG) issued a state- 
ment calling for a return to multiparty democracy, for the lift- 
ing of the ban on political parties, and for the creation of a 
constituent assembly to draft a new constitution to be approved 
by a national referendum. On August 1, the KNRG, other 
opposition organizations, and some prominent Ghanaians 
formed the Movement for Freedom and Justice (MFJ). Adu 
Boahen was named interim chairman. The MFJ identified the 
restoration of multiparty democracy and the rule of law in 
Ghana as its main objectives. Its leaders immediately com- 
plained about harassment by the security agencies and about 
denial of permits to hold public rallies by the police. 

Debate about the country's political future dominated 1991. 
In his broadcast to the nation on New Year's Day, Rawlings out- 
lined steps toward the next stages in the country's political evo- 
lution, which included issuance of an NCD report on what 
form of democracy Ghanaians preferred. The PNDC made it 
clear that it did not favor multiparty democracy, although its 
spokesmen indicated that the PNDC had an open mind on the 
matter. The MFJ immediately called for a constituent assembly, 
where all parties, including the PNDC, would submit proposals 
for Ghana's constitutional future. Meanwhile, the PNDC 
unveiled a statue of J.B. Danquah, Nkrumah's political oppo- 



209 



Ghana: A Country Study 

nent, after an announcement in 1990 that it would build a 
statue and a memorial park for Nkrumah. This was a clear 
attempt to placate and to woo both the Ghanaian "political 
right" and Nkrumahists of the "left" simultaneously. 

In late March, the NCD presented its findings on "true 
democracy" to the PNDC. After receiving the NCD report, the 
PNDC announced in May that it accepted the principle of a 
multiparty system. In its response to the NCD report, the 
PNDC pledged to set up a committee of constitutional experts 
that would formulate the draft constitutional proposals to be 
placed before a national consultative assembly. The committee 
came into being in May. A 258-member National Consultative 
Assembly was elected in June with the task of preparing a draft 
constitution for submission to the PNDC not later than Decem- 
ber 31, 1991. The PNDC was then to submit the draft constitu- 
tion to a national referendum, after which, if approved, it was 
to enter into force on a date set by the PNDC. 

In August Rawlings announced that presidential and parlia- 
mentary elections would be held before the end of 1992 and 
that international observers would be allowed. By the end of 
1991, however, the PNDC had not announced when the ban on 
political parties would be lifted, although many individuals and 
organizations, such as the Kwame Nkrumah Welfare Society, 
the Friends of Busia and Danquah, and the Eagle Club, had 
formed or reemerged and were active as parties in all but 
name. Despite persistent acrimony surrounding the manage- 
ment and control of the transition process, the PNDC 
appointed an independent Interim National Electoral Com- 
mission in February 1992. The commission was responsible for 
the register of voters, the conduct of fair elections, and the 
review of boundaries of administrative and electoral areas. 

In a nationwide radio and television broadcast on March 5 
marking the thirty-fifth anniversary of Ghana's independence, 
Rawlings officially announced the following timetable for the 
return to constitutional government: presentation of the draft 
constitution to the PNDC by the end of March 1992; a referen- 
dum on the draft constitution on April 28, 1992; lifting of the 
ban on political parties on May 18, 1992; presidential elections 
on November 3, 1992; parliamentary elections on December 8, 
1992; and the inauguration of the Fourth Republic on January 
7, 1993. 

The PNDC saw the constitutional referendum as an essential 
exercise that would educate ordinary Ghanaians about the 



210 



Government and Politics 



draft constitution and that would create a national consensus. 
The PNDC opposition urged its supporters and all Ghanaians 
to support the draft constitution by voting for it. In the April 
1992 national referendum, the draft constitution was over- 
whelmingly approved by about 92 percent of voters. Although 
the turnout was lower than expected (43.7 percent of regis- 
tered voters), it was higher than that of the 1978 referendum 
(40.3 percent) and that of the 1979 parliamentary elections 
(35.2 percent). The new constitution provided that a referen- 
dum should have a turnout of at least 35 percent, with at least 
70 percent in favor, in order to be valid. 

After the lifting of the ban on party politics in May, several 
rival splinter groups or offshoots of earlier organizations, nota- 
bly the so-called Nkrumahists and Danquah-Busiaists, as well as 
new groups, lost no time in declaring their intention to register 
as political parties and to campaign for public support. In June 
the Washington-based International Foundation for Electoral 
Systems, which had sent a team to Ghana to observe the April 
referendum, issued a report recommending re-registration of 
voters as quickly as possible if Ghana were to have truly compet- 
itive presidential and parliamentary elections. The foundation 
claimed that the total number of registered voters — 8.4 mil- 
lion — was improbable. Given an estimated national population 
of about 16 million — of whom about half were under age fif- 
teen — the Foundation concluded that with a voting age of 
eighteen, the total registrable population ought not to be 
above 7.75 million. 

This discovery fueled a persistent opposition demand to 
reopen the voters register, but constraints of time, technology, 
and money made such an effort impossible. Instead, the 
Interim National Electoral Commission embarked on a "voters 
register cleansing." Only about 180,000 names were removed 
from the referendum register, however, leaving the total regis- 
tered voters at 8.23 million, a statistical impossibility, the oppo- 
sition insisted. Estimates put the actual number of registered 
voters at about 6.2 million, making the 3.69 million turn-out at 
the referendum an adjusted 59.5 percent. 

Presidential Elections 

Despite protests and demands for a new voters register, 
which had not been met when nominations for presidential 
candidates for the November 3 elections closed on September 
29, 1992, five presidential candidates representing five political 



211 



Ghana: A Country Study 

parties filed their nomination papers. Apart from Rawlings, 
who after months of uncertainty decided to run as a candidate 
for the National Democratic Congress (NDC), the other four 
presidential candidates were Adu Boahen of the New Patriotic 
Party (NPP); Hilla Limann, former president of Ghana, of the 
People's National Convention (PNC); Kwabena Darko, a multi- 
millionaire businessman, of the National Independence Party 
(NIP); and Lieutenant General (retired) Emmanuel Erskine, 
of the People's Heritage Party (PHP). The PNC, the NIP, and 
the PHP were all Nkrumahists. A much-discussed alliance 
among these fractious and disorganized parties did not materi- 
alize, even though just before the elections there was talk of a 
possible grand anti-Rawlings coalition. 

The real issue of the 1992 presidential election was whether 
Rawlings would succeed in holding on to power as a democrat- 
ically elected head of state after nearly eleven years as an 
unelected one. The slogan of the NDC was "continuity," mean- 
ing the continuity of PNDC policies. In fact, to many Ghana- 
ians, the NDC party was the same as the PNDC without the 
initial "P." The opposition, by contrast, could not articulate a 
clear, consistent, and convincing alternative program. 

The most serious challenge to Rawlings came from Boahen, 
who had significant support among the urban middle classes 
and among his ethnic kin in Ashanti Region. The inevitable 
split of the Nkrumahist vote weakened the chances of each of 
the three Nkrumahist candidates. Darko was hardly known out- 
side Kumasi and Accra, and Limann was popularly seen as a 
weak and dull leader. Erskine was hardly a household word, 
even in his home area of Central Region. The presidential elec- 
tion was not fought over ideology or clearly presented political 
programs, but rather over personalities, over Rawlings' s human 
rights record, and over allegations that he had been in power 
for too long. 

After elections in 200 constituencies (sixty new electoral con- 
stituencies had been added to the old 140) on November 3, 
1992, Rawlings won a convincing majority over all his oppo- 
nents combined. The margin of victory surprised not only Raw- 
lings, but his political rivals as well. The hoped-for run-off 
election did not materialize because Rawlings had gained an 
outright majority of almost 60 percent of the nearly 4 million 
votes cast. 

Rawlings won resoundingly in regions where his opponents, 
especially Boahen, had been expected to carry the day. Boahen 



212 






ERSKINE FOR PRESIDE* 



Campaign billboards erected for the national elections of late 1992. Such 
billboards appeared throughout Ghana, an indication of the 

competitive nature of the elections. 

Courtesy James Sanders 



213 



Ghana: A Country Study 



received 30.4 percent of the total votes; Limann, 6.7 percent; 
Darko, 2.8 percent; Erskine, 1.7 percent; and Rawlings, 58.3 
percent. Rawlings even won 62 percent of the vote in Brong- 
Ahafo Region, which was considered a stronghold of the Dan- 
quah-Busiaist political tradition. He also won in Greater Accra 
Region, where NUGS, the GBA, the TUC, and the middle-class 
opposition had been unsparing in their anti-PNDC attacks. 
Boahen received a majority vote in his NPP heartland, Ashanti 
Region, and in Eastern Region where he was born. 

A public opinion poll conducted in late 1990 and early 1991 
in Accra, Kumasi, and Sekondi-Takoradi indicated some of the 
reasons for Rawlings's victory. The poll suggested that, in spite 
of the PNDC's record of human rights abuses and the negative 
impact of the ERP, the PNDC was more popular in urban areas 
than had been thought. The PNDC was perceived as having 
done much to rehabilitate the country's infrastructure, to 
instill national pride, and to improve the efficiency and hon- 
esty of government spending. Although many of the respon- 
dents felt that their standard of living had worsened since the 
PNDC came to power and since the implementation of the 
Structural Adjustment Program, a significant number also indi- 
cated that they and the country would have been worse off 
without the ERP. Although many considered the PNDC too 
authoritarian, Rawlings personally continued to be very popu- 
lar and received much of the credit for the PNDC's successes, 
while the PNDC as a whole was blamed for its more negative 
characteristics. 

The shock of the NPP's electoral defeat led immediately to 
disturbances in some regional capitals. A curfew was imposed 
in Kumasi, but in most of the country, the results were 
accepted without incident. The opposition parties, however, 
immediately protested, crying fraud as well as rigging of the 
ballot and asking the interim electoral commission not to 
declare a winner until allegations of irregularities had been 
investigated. On November 10, however, the commission for- 
mally declared Rawlings the winner. 

Meanwhile, the opposition parties had announced their 
intention to boycott the parliamentary elections rescheduled 
from December 8 to December 29, following an appeal to the 
interim electoral commission. Efforts to get the opposition to 
reconsider its boycott proved unsuccessful, even after the 
National House of Chiefs announced in late November that it 
felt the presidential election had been fair and free. Many 



214 



Government and Politics 



European ambassadors in Accra likewise announced that they 
had no difficulty recognizing Rawlings's victory. International 
election monitoring teams from the Organization of African 
Unity, the Commonwealth of Nations, and the Carter Center in 
the United States also endorsed the results of the presidential 
election, although with reservations in some cases. 

Parliamentary Elections 

The PNDC indicated that it intended to proceed with parlia- 
mentary elections with or without the opposition parties. In a 
gesture to its opponents, however, the PNDC extended the 
deadline for all parties to register independent candidates, but 
opposition party officials threatened to deal severely with any 
party member who ran as an independent candidate. Amid 
sporadic political violence — some of it linked to the opposi- 
tion, arrests of members of opposition groups by state security 
officers, and accusations of PNDC intimidation and harass- 
ment by the four opposition parties boycotting the elections — 
parliamentary elections were held on December 29, 1992, with- 
out the participation of the opposition parties. 

Ironically, in boycotting the parliamentary elections, the 
opposition offered the PNDC the continuity it had been vigor- 
ously campaigning for and undermined any possibility of mul- 
tiparty parliamentary democracy in the first term of the Fourth 
Republic. At the close of nominations for the elections on 
December 1, the NDC was unopposed in fifteen of the 200 con- 
stituencies. Only five candidates from the four main opposition 
parties had registered. According to the Interim National Elec- 
toral Commission, of the 7.3 million registered voters, more 
than 2 million voted on election day. The supporters of the 
four opposition parties stayed away, as did many NDC support- 
ers, who felt that an NDC landslide victory was a foregone con- 
clusion. The number of registered voters excluded twenty- 
three constituencies where the candidates were elected unop- 
posed, so the turnout represented 29 percent of voters in 177 
constituencies. The NDC swept the board, winning 189 of the 
200 parliamentary seats, including the twenty-three who were 
elected unopposed. Two other parties allied with the NDC in 
what was called the Progressive Alliance — the National Conven- 
tion Party and the Every Ghanaian Living Everywhere Party — 
won eight seats and one seat, respectively. The remaining two 
seats were captured by two independent women candidates, 



215 



Ghana: A Country Study 

part of a group of sixteen women elected to parliament, the 
largest number ever in Ghana. 

In the presidential election, almost 4 million out of 8.3 mil- 
lion registered voters had cast their votes in all 200 constituen- 
cies combined, for a turnout of 48 percent. The total votes cast 
in the parliamentary elections represented 51.5 percent of the 
votes cast in the presidential election. The opposition parties 
were quick to ascribe the low turnout to the effectiveness of 
their boycott. But the low turnout was also explained in part by 
the absence of real issues and the fact that many people chose 
to stay at home over the Christmas holidays. 

Rawlings and the NDC won the elections because the opposi- 
tion was divided for the most part and failed to present a credi- 
ble alternative to the PNDC. The programs on which the 
opposition campaigned did not differ substantially from those 
the PNDC had been implementing since 1983. The opposition 
parties, for example, advocated a free enterprise economy, 
political decentralization, rural development, and liberal 
democracy — measures already on the PNDC agenda. 

When external pressures in line with political reforms else- 
where on the continent persuaded Rawlings to return to multi- 
party democracy at the national level, he could do so without 
taint of corruption. Despite widespread human rights abuses in 
the early years of the revolution, he had demonstrated genuine 
concern for the well-being of the people of Ghana. 

Rawlings also won because, as head of state for more than a 
decade, his name had become a household word, and he was 
able to exploit the advantages of incumbency. He had won 
favor with a wide range of interest groups, influential chiefs, 
and local leaders. Rawlings had behind him a well-established 
nationwide network of CDRs, the 31st December Women's 
Movement, other so-called revolutionary organs, and dedi- 
cated district secretaries and chiefs for the propagation of his 
message. All these bodies and groups had been active long 
before the fractious political parties, the rival leaders of which 
were hardly known beyond the major cities, had struggled into 
existence. Finally, Rawlings won because of widespread belief 
in his personal sincerity and integrity. 

The Fourth Republic 

The 1992 Constitution 

The 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana that came 



216 



Government and Politics 



into effect on January 7, 1993, provides the basic charter for 
the country's fourth attempt at republican democratic govern- 
ment since independence in 1957. It declares Ghana to be a 
unitary republic with sovereignty residing in the Ghanaian peo- 
ple. Drawn up with the intent of preventing future coups, dicta- 
torial government, and one-party states, it is designed to foster 
tolerance and the concept of power-sharing. The document 
reflects the lessons drawn from the abrogated constitutions of 
1957, 1960, 1969, and 1979, and it incorporates provisions and 
institutions drawn from British and United States constitu- 
tional models. 

The 1992 constitution, as the supreme law of the land, pro- 
vides for the sharing of powers among a president, a parlia- 
ment, a cabinet, a Council of State, and an independent 
judiciary (see fig. 12). Through its system of checks and bal- 
ances, it avoids bestowing preponderant power on any specific 
branch of government. Executive authority is shared by the 
president, the twenty-five-member Council of State, and 
numerous advisory bodies, including the National Security 
Council. The president is head of state, head of government, 
and commander in chief of the armed forces of Ghana. He also 
appoints the vice president. 

Legislative functions are vested in the National Parliament, 
which consists of a unicameral 200-member body plus the pres- 
ident. To become law, legislation must have the assent of the 
president, who has a qualified veto over all bills except those to 
which a vote of urgency is attached. Members of parliament are 
popularly elected by universal adult suffrage for terms of four 
years, except in war time, when terms may be extended for not 
more than twelve months at a time beyond the four years. 

The structure and the power of the judiciary are indepen- 
dent of the two other branches of government. The Supreme 
Court has broad powers of judicial review. It is authorized by 
the constitution to rule on the constitutionality of any legisla- 
tive or executive action at the request of any aggrieved citizen. 
The hierarchy of courts derives largely from British juridical 
forms. The hierarchy, called the Superior Court of Judicature, 
is composed of the Supreme Court of Ghana, the Court of 
Appeal (Appellate Court), the High Court of Justice, regional 
tribunals, and such lower courts or tribunals as parliament may 
establish. The courts have jurisdiction over all civil and crimi- 
nal matters. 



217 



Ghana: A Country Study 



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218 



Government and Politics 



The legal system is based on the constitution, Ghanaian 
common law, statutory enactments of parliament, and assimi- 
lated rules of customary (traditional) law. The 1992 constitu- 
tion, like previous constitutions, guarantees the institution of 
chieftaincy together with its traditional councils as established 
by customary law and usage. The National House of Chiefs, 
without executive or legislative power, advises on all matters 
affecting the country's chieftaincy and customary law. 

The 1992 constitution contains the most explicit and com- 
prehensive provisions in Ghana's postcolonial constitutional 
history regarding the system of local government as a decen- 
tralized form of national administration. These provisions were 
inspired to a large extent by current law and by the practice of 
local government under the PNDC. Another constitutional 
innovation is the enshrinement of fundamental human rights 
and freedoms enforceable by the courts. These rights include 
cultural rights, women's rights, children's rights, the rights of 
disabled persons, and the rights of the ill. The constitution also 
guarantees the freedom and independence of the media and 
makes any form of censorship unconstitutional. In addition, 
the constitution protects each Ghanaian's right to be repre- 
sented by legitimately elected public officials by providing for 
partisan national elections and non-partisan district elections. 

Every citizen of Ghana eighteen years of age or above and of 
sound mind has the right to vote. The right to form political 
parties is guaranteed — an especially important provision in 
light of the checkered history of political parties in postcolo- 
nial Ghana. Political parties must have a national character and 
membership and are not to be based on ethnic, religious, 
regional, or other sectional divisions. 

Finally, highly controversial provisions of the constitution 
indemnify members and appointees of the PNDC from liability 
for any official act or omission during the eleven years of 
PNDC rule. These provisions seem designed to prevent the real 
possibility of retribution, should a new government hostile to 
the PNDC replace it, and to foster a climate of peace and rec- 
onciliation. 

The Judiciary 

Since independence in 1957, the court system, headed by 
the chief justice, has demonstrated extraordinary indepen- 
dence and resilience. The structure and jurisdiction of the 
courts were defined by the Courts Act of 1971, which estab- 



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Ghana: A Country Study 



lished the Supreme Court of Ghana (or simply the Supreme 
Court), the Court of Appeal (Appellate Court) with two divi- 
sions (ordinary bench and full bench), and the High Court of 
Justice (or simply the High Court), a court with both appellate 
and original jurisdiction. The act also established the so-called 
inferior and traditional courts, which, along with the above 
courts, constituted the judiciary of Ghana according to the 
1960, 1979, and 1992 constitutions. 

Until mid-1993, the inferior courts in descending order of 
importance were the circuit courts, the district courts (magis- 
trate courts) grades I and II, and juvenile courts. Such courts 
existed mostly in cities and large urban centers. In mid-1993, 
however, Parliament created a new system of lower courts, con- 
sisting of circuit tribunals and community tribunals in place of 
the former circuit courts and district (magistrate) courts (see 
Developing Democratic Institutions, this ch.). The traditional 
courts are the National House of Chiefs, the regional houses of 
chiefs, and traditional councils. The traditional courts are con- 
stituted by the judicial committees of the various houses and 
councils. All courts, both superior and inferior, with the excep- 
tion of the traditional courts, are vested with jurisdiction in 
civil and criminal matters. The traditional courts have exclusive 
power to adjudicate any case or matter affecting chieftaincy as 
defined by the Chieftaincy Act of 1971. 

Judicial appointments are made by the chief justice on the 
advice of the independent Judicial Council of Ghana and are 
subject to government approval. The PNDC Establishment 
Proclamation abolished the Judicial Council, but it was reestab- 
lished by the 1992 constitution. 

Ghana also has quasi-judicial agencies and institutions. 
Examples of these are the Reconciliation Committee of the 
Department of Social Welfare and Community Development, 
provision for private hearings at home, and the use of various 
spiritual agencies, such as shrines, churches, Muslim malams, 
and specialists in the manipulation of supernatural powers to 
whom many ordinary people resort. 

Noteworthy for both the colonial and the postcolonial peri- 
ods up to the present are the special courts, public tribunals, 
politico-military bodies such as asafo companies (see Glossary), 
and vigilante groups. These bodies exercise quasi-judicial, 
extra-judicial, and law enforcement functions that often com- 
plement, and in some cases attempt to supplant, the functions 
of the regular or traditional courts. 



220 



Government and Politics 



Of these special courts, the former public tribunals deserve 
special mention. Following the 1981 revolution, the PNDC 
established a number of judicial institutions intended to check 
abuse and corruption within the regular courts. These special 
courts, called people's courts or public tribunals, were estab- 
lished in August 1982 as a separate system for administering 
justice alongside the country's regular courts. Their purpose 
was to regulate the administration of justice to prevent frivo- 
lous abuse of court powers and to obtain the truth by concen- 
trating on the facts of the case rather than on questions of law. 

The public tribunals, which consisted of the National Public 
Tribunal, regional public tribunals, and district and commu- 
nity public tribunals, were an attempt to "democratize" the 
administration of justice by making it possible for the public at 
large to participate actively injudicial decision making. They 
were also meant to correct perceived deficiencies of the regu- 
lar courts, to enhance the general accessibility of law to the 
common people, to promote social justice, and to provide insti- 
tutional safeguards that would secure public accountability. 
The right of appeal against the verdict of the tribunals was not 
originally provided for until public outcry led to the introduc- 
tion of appeals procedures in 1984. 

Under the PNDC, the public tribunals exercised only crimi- 
nal jurisdiction. They dealt with three categories of offenses 
against the state: criminal offenses referred to them by the 
PNDC government, certain offenses under the country's Crim- 
inal Code, and offenses listed in the Public Tribunals Law of 
1984. Proceedings of the tribunals were generally public and 
swift; sentences were frequently harsh and included death by 
firing squad. Under the Public Tribunals Law of 1984, without 
prejudice to the appellate system set out in the law itself, no 
court or other tribunal could question any decision, order, or 
proceeding of a public tribunal. 

The creation of public tribunals and the PNDC's violent 
attack on lawyers set the PNDC on a collision course with the 
Ghana Bar Association, which forbade its members to sit on 
public tribunals. Many of the rulings of the public tribunals 
were cited by Amnesty International and other human rights 
organizations as violations of such rights as freedom of the 
press and habeas corpus (see Human Rights, ch. 5). Under the 
Fourth Republic, the public tribunals were incorporated into 
the existing court hierarchy (see Developing Democratic Insti- 
tutions, this ch.). 



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Ghana: A Country Study 

The Civil Service 

The civil service, an integral part of the executive branch of 
government, is a major component of the public services of 
Ghana, which come under supervision of the Public Services 
Commission. Ghana's civil service is organized along British 
lines and constitutes one of the most enduring legacies of Brit- 
ish colonial rule. The 1992 constitution provides that the presi- 
dent, acting in accordance with the advice of the Public 
Services Commission, appoint a public officer to head the civil 
service. 

The civil service is Ghana's single largest employer, and its 
union is large and strong. It recruits graduates of Ghana's three 
universities and other educational institutions through a sys- 
tem of competitive examinations. Staffing of the civil and the 
public services with competent personnel is the principal func- 
tion of the Public Services Commission, which serves as the 
government's central personnel agency. 

The Office of the Head of Civil Service includes a large team 
of administrators, executive and management analysts, and 
other technical experts. These officials supervise a hierarchy of 
graded personnel working in such areas as health, agriculture, 
transportation and communications, and local government. 
Working in cooperation with them are other state bodies such 
as the Chieftaincy Secretariat, Audit Service, Public Services 
Commission, and Ghana Cocoa Board. Since the launching in 
1983 of the ERP, an austere economic program that the NDC 
government of the Fourth Republic continues to implement, 
the civil service has been cut drastically. Despite the retrench- 
ment, civil servants have not engaged in organized protests or 
strikes, although they have threatened to do so. 

The Media 

The Ghanaian government owns the only two major daily 
newspapers, the Daily Graphic (known as the People's Daily 
Graphic under the PNDC) and the Ghanaian Times, with 1994 
daily circulations of 80,000-100,000 and 60,000-70,000, respec- 
tively (circulation varies according to the availability of news- 
print). The other daily, The Pioneer, established in 1930, is an 
independent paper with a circulation of about 30,000. There 
are also a number of weekly newspapers with substantial circu- 
lations, including the independents, the Christian Messenger and 
the Standard, and the state-owned Sunday Mirror and Weekly 



222 



Government and Politics 



Spectator, the latter two with 1994 circulations of 85,000 and 
about 90,000, respectively. A number of state-owned and inde- 
pendent periodicals appear in English and in African lan- 
guages. 

The 1979 constitution, which the PNDC suspended after tak- 
ing power, was the first to give special attention to Ghana's mass 
media. It prohibited press licensing, outlawed censorship, and 
guaranteed freedom of expression and equal access to the 
state-owned media. The constitution also provided for the 
establishment of an independent press commission, the 
responsibilities of which included appointing chief executives 
and boards of directors for the state-owned media, preserving 
press freedom, and maintaining the highest professional stan- 
dards. 

Under the PNDC, self-censorship was the rule in the media. 
The government considered it the responsibility of the state- 
owned media, if not the media in general, to project a good 
image of the government and to defend government programs 
and policies. To ensure compliance with this policy, the PNDC 
hired and dismissed editorial staff and other media personnel 
of government-owned publications. The Ghana Journalists 
Association, which acted as a pressure group for the advance- 
ment of the professional interests of journalists, had little real 
influence. The Newspaper Licensing Law, reintroduced by the 
PNDC in 1983, discouraged or inhibited the establishment and 
the freedom of private media. 

The state-owned media and some of the privately owned 
local newspapers attacked Ghanaian journalists who worked or 
wrote for the foreign press, accusing them of supporting or col- 
laborating with organizations opposed to the PNDC. With the 
suspension of the 1979 constitution, such rights as freedom of 
the press, freedom of assembly, and freedom of association 
were not guaranteed but were merely granted at the discretion 
of the PNDC; however, numerous professional and civic organi- 
zations and independent newspapers that were non-political 
were allowed to exist and to operate freely. 

The Committee of Experts (Constitution) Law of May 1991, 
which established the Committee of Experts to draw up pro- 
posals for a draft constitution, required that the proposals 
should assure the freedom and the independence of the 
media. Accordingly, the 1992 constitution guarantees funda- 
mental human rights and civil liberties, including the freedom 
and the independence of the media. To protect the indepen- 



223 



Ghana: A Country Study 

dence of the media, the National Media Commission was cre- 
ated in 1993 in accordance with a constitutional provision. The 
commission, an independent body, is charged with ensuring 
that all types of media, private as well as state-owned, are free of 
government control and interference. Under the Fourth 
Republic, the press has begun to enjoy a significant degree of 
toleration and freedom of expression. 

Regional and Local Government 

Before the changes in regional and local administration 
under the PNDC, Ghana had a highly centralized government 
structure in which local people and communities were little 
involved in decision making. Local government services were 
poor and depended largely on funds and personnel provided 
by the national government in Accra. Since the 31st December 
1981 Revolution, however, local government has increasingly 
benefited from the decentralization of government ministries 
and from the establishment of district assemblies in 1989. 

Ghana is divided into ten administrative regions, each 
headed by a regional secretary. The ten regions and their 
regional capitals are: Greater Accra Region (Accra), Eastern 
Region (Koforidua), Central Region (Cape Coast), Western 
Region (Sekondi-Takoradi) , Volta Region (Ho), Ashanti 
Region (Kumasi), Brong-Ahafo Region (Sunyani), Northern 
Region (Tamale), Upper East Region (Bolgatanga) , and Upper 
West Region (Wa) (see fig. 1). After taking power, the PNDC 
launched a decentralization plan in December 1982 designed 
to restructure government machinery to promote democracy 
and greater efficiency. The plan proposed a three-tier system of 
local government to replace the four-tier system established in 
1978. 

This early decentralization plan, however, was not imple- 
mented. Instead, interim management committees were orga- 
nized to manage the affairs of the district councils. PNDC 
district secretaries were appointed chairmen of their respective 
district councils and were responsible for day-to-day administra- 
tion. Membership of the interim management committees nor- 
mally consisted of respected citizens of the district, such as 
chiefs, headmasters, retired administrators, and teachers. At 
the lowest levels, local government remained in the hands of 
village, town, or area development committees; People's 
Defence Committees; and chiefs and their traditional councils, 
who still wielded considerable influence in most rural areas. 



224 



Government and Politics 



On July 1, 1987, the PNDC launched a three-tier system of 
local government. The principal innovations of the new system 
included creating 110 administrative districts to replace the 
sixty-five districts that had existed before and changing the 
name District Council to District Assembly. The District Assem- 
bly was to be the highest political and administrative authority 
in each district, with deliberative, executive, and legislative 
powers; it was responsible for creating the two lower-level tiers, 
town or area councils and unit committees, within its jurisdic- 
tion (see fig. 13). 

The membership of the District Assembly included a district 
secretary appointed by the PNDC. Two-thirds of the members 
were directly elected by universal adult suffrage on a non-parti- 
san basis; the other third were appointed by the PNDC from 
the district in consultation with traditional authorities and vari- 
ous associations. Appointed members held office for a maxi- 
mum of two consecutive terms, that is six years. Elections to the 
District Assembly were to be held every three years (the 1992 
constitution provides for a four-year term and reduces the 
number of appointed members from one-third to no more 
than thirty percent of the total membership). The District 
Assembly was made responsible for the overall development of 
the district. 

A 1990 law ensures that people at the grass-roots level have 
the opportunity to help make decisions that affect them 
regardless of their education or socio-economic backgrounds, 
as long as they are eighteen years or older and are customarily 
residents of the district. Finally, in each of the ten regions, a 
Regional Coordinating Council was established consisting of 
the regional secretary, the deputies of the regional secretaries 
acting as ex-officio members, all district secretaries in the 
region, and all presiding members of the district assemblies in 
the region. The 1992 constitution added at least two chiefs to 
the membership of each council. The functions of the council 
include the formulation and the coordination of programs 
through consultation with district assemblies in the region. 
The council is responsible for harmonizing these programs 
with national development policies and priorities, and for 
monitoring, implementing, and evaluating programs and 
projects within the region. 

A local government law passed in 1991 created thirteen sub- 
metropolitan district councils and fifty-eight town or area coun- 
cils under three metropolitan assemblies; 108 zonal councils 



225 



Ghana: A Country Study 




226 



Government and Politics 



under four municipal assemblies; and thirty-four urban, 250 
town, and 626 area councils under 103 district assemblies. (Dis- 
trict assemblies, of which there are 110, are designated metro- 
politan and municipal assemblies in metropolitan centers and 
major cities.) In addition, 16,000 unit committees were estab- 
lished under metropolitan, municipal, and district assemblies 
throughout the country. No Urban Council, Zonal Council, 
Town Council, or Unit Committee has the power to levy any 
taxes without the approval of the relevant assembly. 

The functions of urban, zonal, and town councils include 
assuming the functions of the former town and village develop- 
ment committees and assisting any person authorized by the 
assembly to collect revenues due the assembly. In addition, the 
councils organize annual congresses of the people within their 
respective jurisdictions to discuss economic development and 
to raise contributions to fund such development. Membership 
in urban, zonal, or town councils and in unit committees con- 
sists of both elected and appointed people from within the 
respective jurisdiction. 

Each of the ten regions is administered from the regional 
headquarters or capital by a regional secretary, who is the 
regional political and administrative head. The regional secre- 
tary is supported by metropolitan and municipal secretaries 
and their metropolitan and municipal assemblies as well as by 
district secretaries and the district assemblies they head. At the 
regional headquarters, the regional secretary is assisted by a 
Regional Consultative Council and a Regional Coordinating 
Council, both chaired by the regional secretary. The number 
of administrative districts within regions varies — Ashanti 
Region having the most — eighteen — and Greater Accra Region 
and Upper West Region, the fewest — five. The establishment 
of a district assembly in each region ensured that, with the local 
people in control of their own affairs, no part of the country 
would be neglected. 

Political Dynamics under the Fourth Republic 

Launching the Fourth Republic 

The coming into force of the new constitution with the inau- 
guration of the Fourth Republic and the installation of Jerry 
Rawlings as the first popularly elected president of Ghana on 
January 7, 1993, opened a new chapter in Ghana. In spite of 
the heat of partisan politics, the country's political climate 



227 



Ghana: A Country Study 

remained encouragingly peaceful on the whole. There were 
clear indications that both the ruling National Democratic 
Congress (NDC) and opposition parties and groups as well as 
the general public were committed to making constitutional 
democracy work. 

The new government faced several challenges in early 1993. 
One of the most serious, of course, was the problem of persis- 
tent and widespread economic hardship. Another was the insti- 
tutionalization of democratic practice and constitutionalism in 
a de facto single-party parliament that resulted from the oppo- 
sition boycott of parliamentary elections. In boycotting the 
elections, the main opposition parties, who together received 
about 40 percent of the total vote in the presidential election, 
denied themselves not only potential cabinet appointments but 
also any direct representation in parliament and any opportu- 
nity for real power-sharing. 

This was regrettable, because throughout Ghana's postinde- 
pendence history, the legislature has been the weakest of the 
three branches of government. Without sitting in parliament, 
the opposition could hardly constitute an effective shadow cab- 
inet or function as a credible government-in-waiting. The cre- 
ation of a new voters register and a national individual 
identification system as called for by the opposition, which 
Rawlings publicly acknowledged as necessary, would also help 
build a more effective and durable multiparty democracy. A 
step in this direction came in early 1994 when the National 
Electoral Commission, created in 1993, set up the Inter-Party 
Advisory Committee to advise it on electoral issues. This ges- 
ture has helped dispel the opposition's view that the electoral 
commission is a pro-government body. 

Since the 1992 elections, the opposition parties, notably the 
NPP led by Adu Boahen, have sought to prove their commit- 
ment to constitutionalism by organizing public rallies, peaceful 
demonstrations, and press conferences. They have been aided 
by the emergence of a vigorous private press and by state-con- 
trolled media that have sought to report the views of opposi- 
tion groups. The opposition also has chosen to go to court 
against alleged breaches of the constitution rather than to 
resort to confrontation and violence. Indeed, the NPP has 
urged its supporters to familiarize themselves with their consti- 
tutional rights, to criticize the government when it is wrong, 
and, whenever necessary, to resort to the courts and not to vio- 
lence. 



228 



Government and Politics 



Such tactics on the part of the opposition are consistent with 
the principal concerns raised by Rawlings at the inauguration 
of the Fourth Republic. In his presidential address, Rawlings 
called for consultation and cooperation with all political 
groups in the country. He said that the NDC government 
would continue to reach out to the opposition parties that had 
boycotted the elections because it was the government's aim to 
establish a culture of tolerance, consultation, and consensus- 
building based on mutual respect. 

In his address, Rawlings also indicated the basic orientation 
of his government. He emphasized that the condition of the 
national economy "must be the foundation of Ghana's demo- 
cratic aspirations and remained the government's greatest chal- 
lenge." He noted that his government was determined to 
continue the Economic Recovery Program (ERP) and that the 
new constitutional order could not be divorced from the 
changes brought about by the 31st December 1981 Revolution. 
In addition, he remarked that he bore no personal grudge 
against any person or any group (having in mind the pre- and 
postpresidential election disturbances and violence) and 
invited others to adopt the same attitude. 

Rawlings assured the armed forces that they would remain 
actively involved in all national endeavors and also indicated 
that Ghana's role in world affairs would not change. The conti- 
nuity in domestic, economic, and foreign policy that Rawlings 
stressed is reflected in the government's ministerial and other 
appointments. For example, at the end of May 1993, twenty- 
one of thirty-five ministers had been secretaries under the 
former PNDC government; many of them held the same port- 
folios that they had previously held. 

Despite some positive steps toward national reconciliation, 
part of the opposition continued to distrust the new adminis- 
tration. In the view of these critics, the PNDC was still in power, 
and, accordingly, they referred to the new administration as 
"P/NDC" or "(P)NDC." Some members of the opposition also 
saw the new parliament as merely a rubber-stamp of the ruling 
NDC administration. The reappointment of numerous PNDC 
secretaries to the new NDC administration as well as the NDC 
pledge of continuity in economic and social policy confirmed 
the worst fears of the opposition. The same could be said of a 
presidential order in January 1993 to the effect that persons 
who had been in office as PNDC secretaries for ministries, 
regions, or districts should continue in their offices to avoid 



229 



Ghana: A Country Study 

the breakdown of the machinery of government. As the oppo- 
sition was quick to point out, the presidential order technically 
violated the constitution; however, given the extenuating cir- 
cumstances created by the postponement of the parliamentary 
elections, the order was probably unavoidable. 

Developing Democratic Institutions 

The growing importance of the legislative arm of the govern- 
ment in national affairs was reflected in several developments. 
At the state opening of parliament on April 29, 1993, President 
Rawlings gave an address in which he emphasized that the con- 
tributions of all citizens are necessary in order to achieve the 
national goals of economic development and social justice. He 
reminded Ghanaians that the proper forum for political 
debate under constitutional rule is parliament and called upon 
the leaders of the parties in his ruling Progressive Alliance (the 
NDC, the National Convention Party (NCP), and the Every 
Ghanaian Living Everywhere Party) to welcome serious dia- 
logue with the opposition outside parliament. Such a move 
would enable the opposition parties that had boycotted the 
parliamentary elections to contribute to national political 
debate. The NPP made its views on national policy heard 
through invited participation in parliamentary committees, 
thus attempting to influence debates and particular legislation. 

The executive and the legislative branches worked to ensure 
passage of nine measures that would establish certain major 
state institutions by the July 7, 1993, deadline stipulated in the 
constitution. The institutions created were the National Com- 
mission on Civic Education, the National Electoral Commis- 
sion, the District Assemblies Common Fund, the Commission 
on Human Rights and Administrative Justice, the Minerals 
Commission, the Forestry Commission, the Fisheries Commis- 
sion, the National Council for Higher Education, and the 
National Media Commission. 

The Courts Act of July 6, 1993, incorporated the public tri- 
bunals created under the PNDC into the established court sys- 
tem. It defined the jurisdiction of regional tribunals and 
established lower courts — circuit tribunals and community tri- 
bunals — to replace the circuit courts and the district (magis- 
trate) courts. It also established the National House of Chiefs, 
the regional houses of chiefs, and traditional councils, and it 
provided that parliament could create other tribunals as the 
need arose. The tribunals are empowered to try criminal and 



230 



Government and Politics 



civil cases. Throughout 1993 and 1994, however, the Judicial 
Council of Ghana was working to amend the Courts Act to 
allow the pre-existing circuit and district courts to hear cases 
meant for circuit and community tribunals until such time as 
the new tribunals become fully operational. The establishment 
of the lower tribunals has been delayed because of lack of staff 
and of suitable court buildings in all 110 districts, most of 
which are poor and rural. 

Parliament also passed the controversial Serious Fraud 
Office Bill. This bill established a Serious Fraud Office as a spe- 
cialized agency of the state to monitor, investigate, and, on the 
authority of the attorney general, prosecute fraud and serious 
economic crimes. According to the bill's proponents, complex 
fraud and economic crimes were being committed that posed a 
direct threat to national security and that were possibly linked 
to illegal drug trafficking, but they could not be adequately 
investigated and prosecuted under existing law. 

Critics of the bill, which included the Ghana Bar Associa- 
tion, saw it as an attempt on the part of the ruling NDC to 
destroy the NPP, which considers itself the party of business. 
They also viewed it as containing provisions conflicting directly 
with constitutionally guaranteed fundamental rights to liberty 
and property. Under the bill's provisions, anyone can be inves- 
tigated for fraud except the president, in whose case the consti- 
tution provides elaborate procedures for impeachment in case 
of abuse of power and trust. 

Parliament's success can be attributed to the leaders of the 
opposition and the ruling Progressive Alliance, who chose to 
settle their differences through dialogue and constitutional 
means rather than through confrontation. The same tendency 
to operate within the framework of the new constitution 
applies to the judicial realm as well, where the opposition, 
especially the NPP, declared itself the principal watchdog and 
custodian of civil liberties and of the 1992 constitution. This 
task is consistent with the leading role played by the opposition 
in the demand for a return to constitutional rule during the 
PNDC era. 

On July 22, 1993, a week after celebrating its first anniver- 
sary, the NPP won three major and surprising victories in the 
Supreme Court. The court, which the opposition believed to 
be under the control of the executive, upheld two suits 
intended to nullify certain existing laws and decrees that the 
NPP claimed conflicted with the 1992 constitution. In the first 



231 



Ghana: A Country Study 

suit, the court ordered the Ghana Broadcasting Corporation to 
grant the NPP "fair and equal access to its facilities within two 
weeks" to enable the party to articulate its views on the 1993 
budget in the same manner as the ruling NDC. 

In the second judgment, the court ruled that certain sec- 
tions of Public Order Decree 1972 were inconsistent with the 
1992 constitution, which grants the individual the right to dem- 
onstrate or to take part in a procession without necessarily 
obtaining a permit from the police. The NPP had challenged 
as unconstitutional the arrest and subsequent prosecution of 
some of its members for demonstrating against the 1993 bud- 
get on February 15, 1993. On that day, the Accra police had 
assaulted the demonstrators, severely injuring many of them. 
The verdict in the NPP suit also applied to the shooting attack 
on university students by commandos on March 22-23. The 
students were protesting the government's refusal to meet their 
demand for an increase in student loans from 90,000 to 
200,000 cedis (for value of the Ghanaian cedi — see Glossary) 
because of a rise in the cost of living. A third suit, which con- 
cerned police powers with respect to public assemblies, did not 
go forward because the law had been repealed. 

Two months later, the NPP scored another victory in the 
Supreme Court when the party sought a declaration to stop the 
election of district chief executives (DCEs) ahead of antici- 
pated District Assembly elections. The NPP noted that the elec- 
tion of DCEs by sitting district assemblies that had only a few 
months' remaining tenure in office would infringe the letter 
and the intent of the constitution, which requires that newly 
elected assemblies, not outgoing assemblies, elect DCEs. The 
court granted the NPP's application for an interim injunction 
and ordered the suspension of DCE elections until the court 
could examine the constitutionality of the elections process. 
Candidates for election as DCEs had been nominated by Presi- 
dent Rawlings. Within a few days, an announcement was made 
that Rawlings had only appointed acting district secretaries, not 
DCEs, for all 110 district assemblies; the president's appointees, 
however, appeared to be mostly the same individuals nomi- 
nated as DCEs. The opposition then took this matter to the 
Supreme Court on a charge of unconstitutionality, but the 
court upheld Rawlings's action in May 1994. 

To crown the constitutional victories of the NPP, the 
Supreme Court ruled at the end of 1993 that December 31, 
marking the 31st December 1981 Revolution, should no longer 



232 



Jerry John Rawlings being sworn in as president of the Fourth Republic 

of Ghana, January 1993 
Courtesy Embassy of Ghana, Washington 



be celebrated as a public holiday. The NPP had been particu- 
larly outraged when newly elected President Rawlings declared 
that any interpretation of the 1992 constitution would be sub- 
ject to the spirit of the June 4, 1979, uprising and the 31st 
December 1981 Revolution. For the opposition, these events 
had ushered in the most repressive and bloody decade in the 
country's postcolonial history, and they had no place in the 
new democratic constitutional order. 

The NPP, after documenting alleged irregularities of the 
November 1992 presidential elections, consolidated its posi- 
tion as the main opposition party in the country. It presented 
itself as the "constitutional" party, the objectives of which are to 
ensure that constitutional rule is established in Ghana and that 
the private sector becomes the engine of growth and develop- 
ment. Furthermore, at a widely reported press conference in 



233 



Ghana: A Country Study 

July 1993 marking the first anniversary of the NPP, the party's 
chairman proclaimed his party's readiness to "do business" with 
the NDC government. 

Doing business with the government did not mean, as many 
NPP members had feared, that some members of the NPP 
executive would take posts in the NDC administration. It 
meant talking face-to-face with the president, the legislature, 
and the judiciary as well as with independent institutions of 
state. These dealings were intended to enhance the constitu- 
tional rights of all Ghanaians and to ensure respect for human 
rights and proper management of the economy. 

The new NPP policy — that of promoting dialogue between 
the NPP and the government, which began in November 
1993 — contributed to a reduction of political tension in the 
country. Unlike some of its West African neighbors that are 
haunted by political uncertainty and torn by war and civil strife, 
Ghana continued to enjoy relative peace and political stability. 
This was true despite the flare-up of interethnic violence and 
killing in the northern region between the Konkomba and the 
Nanumba in early 1994, leading to the declaration of a brief 
state of emergency in the region. 

The minor opposition parties of the Nkrumahist tradition, 
which had boycotted dialogue with the NDC government, also 
managed after a long period of internal bickering to put their 
houses in order in anticipation of the 1996 presidential and 
parliamentary elections. The parties subscribing to the ideals 
of Nkrumah's Convention People's Party, with the exception of 
the People's National Convention led by former president 
Limann, united to form the new People's Convention Party, 
receiving a certificate of registration in January 1994. 

One of the major concerns of the NPP and other opposition 
parties was the existence in the Fourth Republic of paramili- 
tary groups and revolutionary organs, such as CDRs, which had 
not been disbanded. In August 1993, all CDRs were put into a 
new organization known as the Association of Committees for 
the Defence of the Revolution. This new association was to con- 
tinue mobilizing the populace for community development 
and local initiatives within the framework of the 1992 constitu- 
tion. 

The NPP persisted in its demands for a new voters register 
and for national identity cards to ensure free and fair elections 
in 1996. When President Rawlings suggested that it was 
cheaper to revise the voters register than to issue national iden- 



234 



Government and Politics 



tity cards, the cost of which would be prohibitive for the gov- 
ernment, the NPP threatened to boycott the 1996 elections 
unless both electoral demands were met. The potential boycott 
was seemingly averted in February 1994 when the United 
States pledged to fund the printing of identity cards for voters 
in the 1996 elections. 

The following August, the chairman of the National Elec- 
toral Commission promised that the commission would take 
appropriate steps to ensure that the presidential and parlia- 
mentary elections in 1996 would be free and fair. These steps 
were to include the training of some 80,000 party agents as 
observers. The National Electoral Commission later indicated 
that identification cards would be issued to voters during regis- 
tration for a new and revised electoral roll in September 1995. 
The Commission also favored holding the elections on the 
same day and felt that Ghanaians living abroad should have the 
right to vote. Eventually the NDC government promised to 
ensure that the 1996 elections would be free and fair and that 
international observers would be allowed. 

Meanwhile, on March 22, 1994, the first nonpartisan district- 
level elections to be conducted under the Fourth Republic 
were successfully held in all but thirteen districts, mostly in the 
north, where polling was postponed because of interethnic 
conflicts. About 10,880 candidates, 383 of them women, com- 
peted for 4,282 seats in ninety-seven district, municipal, and 
metropolitan assemblies. The new district assemblies were 
inaugurated in June 1994, marking another step in the estab- 
lishment of a democratic system of local government. 

By mid-1994, there was general agreement that the govern- 
ment's human rights record had improved considerably. The 
improvement resulted in part from the activities of the many 
human rights groups being established in the country. The 
Ghana Committee on Human and People's Rights, founded by 
a group of dedicated lawyers, trade unionists, and journalists 
and inaugurated in January 1991, was perhaps the most promi- 
nent of these. Another was the Commission on Human Rights 
and Administrative Justice, a government body established in 
1993 designed to deal with human rights issues and violations 
(see Human Rights, ch. 5). 

Foreign Relations 

Guiding Principles and Objectives 

Ghana's foreign policy since independence has been charac- 



235 



Ghana: A Country Study 



terized by a commitment to the principles and ideals of non- 
alignment and Pan-Africanism as first enunciated by Kwame 
Nkrumah in the early 1960s. For Nkrumah, nonalignment 
meant complete independence from the policies and alliances 
of both East and West and support for a worldwide union of so- 
called nonaligned nations as a counter to both East and West 
power blocs. Pan-Africanism, by contrast, was a specifically Afri- 
can policy that envisioned the liberation of African peoples 
from Western colonialism and the eventual economic and 
political unity of the African continent (see The Organization 
of African Unity and the Rest of Africa, this ch.). 

The PNDC, like most of its predecessors, made serious and 
consistent attempts at the practical application of these ideals 
and principles, and its successor, the NDC government, prom- 
ises to follow in the PNDC's footsteps. Under the NDC, Ghana 
remains committed to the principle of nonalignment in world 
politics. Ghana is also opposed to interference in the internal 
affairs of both small and large countries. This is a departure 
from Nkrumah's foreign policy approach; Nkrumah was fre- 
quently accused of subverting African regimes, such as Togo 
and Cote d'lvoire, which he considered ideologically conserva- 
tive. The NDC government, like the PNDC before it, believes in 
the principle of self-determination, including the right to polit- 
ical independence and the right of people to pursue their eco- 
nomic and social development free from external interference. 
Another feature of NDC rule carried over from the PNDC era 
is faithfulness to what a leading scholar of Africa has called 
"one of the most successful neoclassical economic reform 
efforts supported by the IMF and the World Bank." 

The broad objectives of Ghana's foreign policy thus include 
maintaining friendly relations and cooperation with all coun- 
tries that desire such cooperation, irrespective of ideological 
considerations, on the basis of mutual respect and noninterfer- 
ence in each other's internal affairs. Africa and its liberation 
and unity are naturally the cornerstones of Ghana's foreign 
policy. Because Ghana was a founding member of the Organi- 
zation of African Unity (OAU), NDC policy is to adhere faith- 
fully to the OAU Charter. 

Another important principle of Ghana's foreign policy 
involves the closest possible cooperation with neighboring 
countries with which the people of Ghana share cultural his- 
tory, ties of blood, and economics. The results have included 
various bilateral trade and economic agreements and perma- 



236 



Government and Politics 



nent joint commissions involving Ghana and its immediate 
neighbors, sometimes in the face of latent ideological and 
political differences and mutual suspicion, as well as numerous 
reciprocal state visits by high-ranking officials. These measures 
have contributed significantly to subregional cooperation, 
development, and the reduction of tension. 

As an example of Ghana's interest in regional cooperation, 
the country enthusiastically endorsed formation of the Eco- 
nomic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in 1975. 
This organization was created specifically to foster intra- 
regional economic and political cooperation (see Trade, ch. 
3). It has served as a useful vehicle for contacts with neighbor- 
ing West African governments and for channeling increased 
Ghanaian exports to regional markets. Since 1990 ECOWAS 
has been engaged in a peacekeeping mission in Liberia to 
which Ghana has contributed a large contingent of troops. 
Ghana has participated in other international peacekeeping 
efforts as well, sending soldiers to operations of the United 
Nations (UN) in Cambodia in 1992-93 and Rwanda in 1993-94 
(see International Security Concerns, ch. 5). 

In August 1994, Rawlings became ECOWAS chairman, a post 
that had eluded him since the PNDC came to power. He imme- 
diately undertook several initiatives to reduce tensions and 
conflict in West Africa. Notable among them was the Ako- 
sombo Accord of September 12, 1994, designed to end civil war 
in Liberia. 

Relations with Immediate African Neighbors 

The NDC government continues to work to improve and to 
strengthen relations with all of its neighbors, especially Togo, 
Cote d'lvoire, Nigeria, and Burkina Faso (Burkina, formerly 
Upper Volta). In the early days of PNDC rule, relations with 
Togo, Cote d'lvoire, and Nigeria were particularly cool and 
even antagonistic. By 1994 Ghana's relations with its West Afri- 
can neighbors, especially Cote d'lvoire and Togo, had 
improved significantly. 

Togo and Cote d'lvoire 

In the early 1980s, Cote d'lvoire and Togo worried that "the 
Rawlings fever," the "revolution," might prove contagious. Both 
countries were headed by long-lived conservative governments 
faced with potentially dangerous internal and external opposi- 
tion. The strains in relations among Ghana, Togo, and Cote 



237 



Ghana: A Country Study 

d'lvoire have a long history; in Togo's case, they go back to pre- 
independence days. 

After 1918, following the defeat of Germany, the League of 
Nations divided the German colony of Togoland from north to 
south, a decision that divided the Ewe people among the Gold 
Coast, British Togoland, and French Togoland. After 1945, the 
UN took over the Togoland mandates. During the 1950s, when 
the independence of Ghana was in sight, demands grew for a 
separate Ewe state, an idea that Kwame Nkrumah, leader of the 
Gold Coast independence movement, opposed. Following a 
UN plebiscite in May 1956, in which a majority of the Ewe 
voted for union with Ghana, British Togoland became part of 
the Gold Coast. After Togolese independence in 1960, rela- 
tions between Togo and Ghana deteriorated, aggravated by 
political differences and incidents such as smuggling across 
their common border. At times, relations have verged on open 
aggression. 

During the mid-1970s, Togolese President General Gnass- 
ingbe Eyadema for a time revived the claim to a part or all of 
former British Togoland. Two leading Ewe members from the 
Volta Region sent a petition to the UN in 1974. By 1976 a Togo- 
land Liberation Movement and a National Liberation Move- 
ment for Western Togoland existed and were agitating for 
separation from Ghana. The Eyadema government publicly 
backed their demands, although it subsequently agreed to 
cooperate with the Ghanaian government against the separatist 
movements and against smuggling. A factor influencing Eya- 
dema's cooperative attitude was doubtless Togo's dependence 
upon electricity from Ghana's Akosombo Dam. 

A consistent preoccupation of Ghana, Togo, and Cote d'lvo- 
ire is that of national security. The PNDC regime repeatedly 
accused both Togo and Cote d'lvoire of harboring armed Gha- 
naian dissidents who planned to overthrow or to destabilize the 
PNDC. The PNDC also accused both countries of encouraging 
the smuggling of Ghanaian products and currencies across 
their borders, thus undermining Ghana's political and eco- 
nomic stability at a time when Ghana was experiencing a deep 
economic crisis. 

In June 1983, when the PNDC was barely eighteen months 
old, groups opposed to the PNDC made a major attempt to 
overthrow it. Most of the rebels reportedly came from Togo. In 
August 1985, Togo in turn accused Ghana of complicity in a 
series of bomb explosions in Lome, the Togolese capital. In 



238 



Government and Politics 



July 1988, an estimated 124 Ghanaians were expelled from 
Togo. Nevertheless, relations subsequently improved signifi- 
cantly, leading in 1991 to the reactivation of several bilateral 
agreements. 

Greatly improved relations between Ghana and Togo, espe- 
cially after October 1990 when opposition pressure forced Eya- 
dema to agree to a transition to multiparty democracy, 
however, could hardly disguise the persistence of old mutual 
fears about threats to internal security. For instance, less than 
three weeks after Ghana's Fourth Republic was inaugurated, an 
immense refugee problem was created in Ghana. Following 
random attacks and killings of civilians in Lome by Eyadema's 
army on January 26, 1993, hundreds of thousands of terrorized 
Togolese began fleeing into Ghana. At the end of January, 
Ghanaian troops were placed on high alert on the Ghana-Togo 
border, although Obed Asamoah, the Ghanaian minister of 
foreign affairs, assured all concerned that there was no conflict 
between Ghana and Togo. 

Sporadic shooting incidents in the spring continued to pro- 
duce a regular flow of refugees into Ghana. By May, following 
Togo's partial closure of the border, all persons living in Togo, 
including diplomats, had to obtain a special permit from the 
Togolese interior ministry to travel to Ghana by road. Travelers 
from Ghana were allowed into Togo but were not permitted to 
return. By early June, half of Lome's 600,000 residents were 
estimated to have fled to neighboring Ghana and Benin. 

At the beginning of 1994, relations between Ghana and 
Togo became even worse. On January 6, a commando attack 
occurred in Lome, which Togolese authorities described as an 
attempt to overthrow Eyadema. The Togolese government 
accused Ghana of direct or indirect involvement and arrested 
Ghana's charge d'affaires in Lome. Togolese troops then bom- 
barded a border post, killing twelve Ghanaians. Camps for 
Togolese refugees in Ghana also were reportedly bombarded. 
The Ghanaian government announced that it would press 
Togo to compensate the families of those killed. By mid-year, 
however, relations had improved markedly. In August Togo 
supported the nomination of Rawlings for the post of ECO- 
WAS chairman. Thereafter, a joint commission was set up to 
examine border problems, in mid-November a Ghanaian 
ambassador took up residence in Togo for the first time since 
the early 1980s, and Togo was considering the reopening of its 
border with Ghana. 



239 



Ghana: A Country Study 

Ghana-Cote d'lvoire relations suffered from the same ups 
and downs that characterized Ghana-Togo relations. In early 
1984, the PNDC government complained that Cote d'lvoire 
was allowing Ghanaian dissidents to use its territory as a base 
from which to carry out acts of sabotage against Ghana. Ghana 
also accused Cote d'lvoire of granting asylum to political agita- 
tors wanted for crimes in Ghana. Relations between Ghana and 
Cote d'lvoire improved significantly, however, after 1988. In 
1989, after fifteen years without progress, the Ghana-Cote 
d'lvoire border redemarcation commission finally agreed on 
the definition of the 640-kilometer border between the two 
countries. The PNDC thereafter worked to improve the trans- 
portation and communication links with both Cote d'lvoire 
and Togo, despite problems with both countries. 

By 1992 Ghana's relations with Cote d'lvoire were relatively 
good. Hopes for lasting improvement, however, were quickly 
dashed following a series of violent incidents in late 1993 and 
early 1994. The incidents began on November 1, 1993, with the 
return of sports fans to Cote d'lvoire following a championship 
soccer match in Kumasi, Ghana, that had resulted in the elimi- 
nation of Cote d'lvoire from competition. Ghanaian immi- 
grants in Cote d'lvoire were violently attacked, and as many as 
forty or more Ghanaians were killed. 

Thereafter, scores of other Ghanaians lost their property as 
they fled for their lives. Some 1,000 homes and businesses were 
looted. More than 10,000 Ghanaians out of the approximately 
1 million living in Cote d'lvoire were immediately evacuated by 
the Ghanaian government, and more than 30,000 Ghanaians 
were reported to have sought refuge in the Ghanaian and 
other friendly embassies. A twenty-member joint commission 
(ten from each country) was established to investigate the 
attacks, to recommend compensation for victims, and to find 
ways of avoiding similar incidents in the future. In October 
1994, the two nations resumed soccer matches after a Togolese 
delegation helped smooth relations between them. 

Burkina 

With the coming to power of Thomas Sankara in Burkina in 
1983, relations between Ghana and Burkina became both 
warm and close. Indeed, Rawlings and Sankara began discus- 
sions about uniting Ghana and Burkina in the manner of the 
defunct Ghana-Guinea-Mali Union, which Nkrumah had 
sought unsuccessfully to promote as a foundation for his 



240 



Jerry John Rawlings, 
president of the Fourth 
Republic of Ghana 
Courtesy 
Embassy of Ghana, 
Washington 



dream of unified continental government (see The OAU and 
the Rest of Africa, this ch.). Political and economic ties 
between Ghana and Burkina, a poorer country, were strength- 
ened through joint commissions of cooperation and through 
border demarcation committee meetings. Frequent high-level 
consultations and joint military exercises, meant to discourage 
potential dissidents and to protect young "revolutions" in each 
country, were fairly regular features of Ghana-Burkina rela- 
tions. 

Ethnic ties between the people of far northern Ghana (nota- 
bly the Mossi) and Burkina, divided by artificial borders inher- 
ited from colonial rule, grew stronger as easy border crossings 
and the free exchange of goods and services contributed to 
marked improvements in the material and the social welfare of 
peoples on both sides of the border. The PNDC, for example, 
established road, air, and telecommunications links between 
Ghana and Burkina. 

Ghana's warm relations with Burkina received a serious but 
temporary setback with the assassination of Sankara in October 
1987. His successor, Blaise Campaore, was widely believed to 
have been responsible for the assassination. As a result, rela- 
tions between Ghana and Burkina cooled. Rawlings and Cam- 
paore met briefly for the first time in early 1988 in Tamale, the 



241 



Ghana: A Country Study 



capital of Ghana's Northern Region, to discuss Ghana-Burkina 
relations. 

The outbreak of civil war in Liberia in 1989 found the two 
countries on opposite sides of the conflict (see International 
Security Concerns, ch. 5). Ghana, at great financial and human 
cost, immediately repatriated about 10,000 Ghanaians living in 
Liberia and, beginning in mid-1990, contributed a contingent 
to a multinational peacekeeping force second in size only to 
one sent by Nigeria. From 1990 to 1993, Campaore's role in the 
Liberian conflict was at odds with an ECOWAS peace initiative 
spearheaded by Ghana and Nigeria, because Burkina was 
believed to be supplying arms to rebel leader Charles Taylor, 
long regarded as the main obstacle to peace. In 1994 relations 
between Burkina and Ghana showed signs of warming at a time 
when Campaore appeared to be reassessing his policies in 
Liberia and toward Ghana and Nigeria. 

Nigeria 

Ghana's relations with Nigeria, West Africa's leading country, 
began on a sour note in the early period of PNDC rule. Ten- 
sion rose immediately after the PNDC deposed Limann in 
1981. In protest, Nigeria refused to continue much-needed oil 
supplies to Ghana. At the time, Ghana owed Nigeria about 
US$150 million for crude oil supplies and depended on Nige- 
ria for about 90 percent of its petroleum needs. Nigeria's 
expulsion of more then 1 million Ghanaian immigrants in 
early 1983, when Ghana was facing severe drought and eco- 
nomic problems, and of another 300,000 in early 1985 on short 
notice, further strained relations between the two countries. 

In April 1988, a joint commission for cooperation was estab- 
lished between Ghana and Nigeria. A bloodless coup in August 
1985 had brought Major General Ibrahim Babangida to power 
in Nigeria, and Rawlings took advantage of the change of 
administration to pay an official visit. The two leaders discussed 
a wide range of issues focusing on peace and prosperity within 
West Africa, bilateral trade, and the transition to democracy in 
both countries. In early January 1989, Babangida reciprocated 
with an official visit to Ghana, which the PNDC hailed as a 
watershed in Ghana-Nigeria relations. 

Subsequent setbacks that Babangida initiated in the demo- 
cratic transition process in Nigeria clearly disappointed Accra. 
Nonetheless, the political crisis that followed Babangida's 
annulment of the results of the June 1993 Nigerian presiden- 



242 



Government and Politics 



tial election and Babangida's resignation from the army and 
presidency two months later did not significantly alter the exist- 
ing close relations between Ghana and Nigeria, two of the most 
important members of ECOWAS and the Commonwealth of 
Nations. After the takeover in November 1993 by General Sani 
Abacha as the new Nigerian head of state, Ghana and Nigeria 
continued to consult on economic, political, and security issues 
affecting the two countries and West Africa as a whole. Between 
early August 1994, when Rawlings became ECOWAS chairman, 
and the end of the following October, the Ghanaian president 
visited Nigeria three times to discuss the peace process in 
Liberia and measures to restore democracy in that country. 

The Organization of African Unity and the Rest of Africa 

Beginning with the independence of Ghana in 1957 under 
Kwame Nkrumah, Pan-Africanism, as a movement uniting all 
peoples of the African continent, was attempted in earnest. 
Pan-Africanism became identified with Nkrumah more than 
with any other African leader. From 1950 to 1965, the aim was 
to achieve political, cultural, and economic integration at the 
continental level. 

Beginning in 1958 with the formation of the Ghana-Guinea 
Union, followed shortly by the Ghana-Guinea-Mali Union, 
Nkrumah relentlessly pursued his goal of a Union of African 
States. Working with leaders of other independent African 
countries, he convened a series of conferences to promote the 
Pan-African cause. Finally, a summit conference met in Addis 
Ababa in May 1963 to resolve the divisions, unite the leaders, 
and establish a common Pan-African organization. 

After many proposals and counterproposals at the Addis 
Ababa conference, thirty African heads of states and govern- 
ments signed the historic Charter of African Unity, which estab- 
lished the Organization of African Unity (OAU). The charter, 
however, fell far short of Nkrumah' s ideal of African continen- 
tal government. At subsequent meetings of the OAU until his 
overthrow in 1966, Nkrumah continued to campaign vigor- 
ously but unsuccessfully for the transformation of the OAU 
into a continental government of a United States of Africa. 
Ironically, as independent African states concentrated on 
domestic problems and internal developments, they found 
themselves compelled to strengthen ties with their former colo- 
nial rulers rather than with each other. In Ghana's case, this 



243 



Ghana: A Country Study 



meant closer relations with Britain, particularly after the over- 
throw of Nkrumah. 

In recognition of Nkrumah's stature in the Pan-Africanist 
cause, PNDC chairman Rawlings in June 1985 dedicated the 
W.E.B. DuBois Memorial Center for Pan-African Culture in 
Accra. The DuBois center was established to serve as a Pan-Afri- 
can research center and library for scholars and students of 
Pan-Africanism and to promote research and scholarship in 
the tradition of the African-American scholar, W.E.B. DuBois. 

The PNDC made a determined effort to revive Ghana's his- 
torical role as a leader in the OAU and in the struggle against 
apartheid in South Africa. The PNDC stepped up material and 
financial assistance and diplomatic support to the OAU Libera- 
tion Committee, to the African National Congress in South 
Africa, and to the South West Africa People's Organisation in 
South-West Africa, now Namibia. In 1987 Ghana also became a 
member of the permanent steering committee of the OAU, 
which was charged with forging a common African position on 
the continent's debt problem. The same year, Ghana made a 
substantial financial contribution of US$5 million to the Afri- 
can Fund set up by the Non-Aligned Movement to assist Afri- 
can liberation movements and to strengthen resistance to 
South African destabilization activities in southern Africa. The 
PNDC also contributed US$1.3 million annually to the OAU 
budget. Ghana contributed generously to the OAU's Libera- 
tion Fund for Namibia as well as US$5 million to the African 
Fund for the repatriation of Namibians to enable them to par- 
ticipate in pre-independence elections in February 1990. 

The PNDC regime sought to strengthen ties with all African 
countries. Good relations with the countries of eastern and 
southern Africa were established in the spirit of Pan-Africanism 
and nonalignment. In addition to visiting many West African 
countries, Rawlings traveled to Mozambique in October 1986 
for the funeral of Samora Machel. Ghana's contribution of 
US$250,000 toward famine relief in Mozambique was a practi- 
cal demonstration of commitment to the principles of the 
OAU. In late January 1989, Rawlings paid a three-day official 
visit to Uganda on the occasion of the third anniversary of the 
government's victory in a long civil war. He also visited Tanza- 
nia and Zimbabwe. 

Ghana's political and diplomatic resurgence in Africa and in 
world affairs under PNDC leadership was evident from the 
number of reciprocal visits to promote bilateral ties and coop- 



244 



Government and Politics 



eration. Among those visiting Ghana between 1987 and 1994 
were Zambia's President Kenneth Kaunda; Uganda's President 
Yoweri Museveni; Tanzania's former President Julius Nyerere, 
who received Ghana's highest state award, the Order of the 
Star of Ghana, in recognition of his life-long devotion to Pan- 
Africanism and the nonaligned movement; Libya's Colonel 
Muammar al Qadhafi; and Zimbabwe's President Robert 
Mugabe. In September 1994, President Rawlings paid a ten-day 
visit to Botswana, Namibia, and Zimbabwe, signing bilateral 
agreements in the latter two countries for political coopera- 
tion, trade, and industrial development. Ghanaian diplomats 
are expected to arrive in Pretoria, the Republic of South Africa, 
in early 1995 to open Ghana's new High Commission. 

Britain and the Commonwealth 

By historical tradition and choice, Ghana's political future 
has been bound up with that of Britain and the Common- 
wealth of Nations. Indeed, Nkrumah led the way for indepen- 
dent African states that were former British colonies to join the 
Commonwealth. 

The close bond between Ghana and Britain was evident in 
1959 when Queen Elizabeth II, the head of the Commonwealth 
of Nations, visited Ghana and received a warm reception. At 
the 1964 Commonwealth Conference, Nkrumah proposed the 
establishment of a permanent Commonwealth secretariat, in 
order, as Nkrumah put it, "to make the Commonwealth move 
in tune with the common aspirations of its members." Accord- 
ing to one observer, Nkrumah believed the Commonwealth 
was an example of how a free association of independent states 
should work. The Commonwealth provided a vehicle for the 
transfer of technology and for economic and cultural coopera- 
tion. It also served as a place for developing the most effective 
methods for ending colonialism without revolution or violence 
and under conditions in which a former colonial territory 
could retain a close association with the former imperial power. 

Nkrumah again took the lead in forcing South Africa out of 
the Commonwealth in 1961. In 1965 Ghana was forced to 
break diplomatic relations with Britain in order to support the 
OAU resolution over Rhodesia's (later, Zimbabwe) unilateral 
declaration of independence and imposition of a white minor- 
ity government. Relations were restored the next year, however, 
following the overthrow of Nkrumah. 



245 



Ghana: A Country Study 

Following the 31st December 1981 Revolution, Ghana lost its 
membership in the Commonwealth Parliament Association, 
which promotes interchange and understanding among parlia- 
mentarians of member states. Ghana was readmitted to the 
association in September 1993, the same year it was also read- 
mitted to the Inter-Parliamentary Union, another Common- 
wealth institution. With its readmission to these two bodies, 
Ghana became a major player in Commonwealth affairs. In 
May 1994, Ghana hosted a Commonwealth conference on local 
government that attracted participants from several West Afri- 
can countries. At the end of the year, Ghana remained the only 
West African Commonwealth country with an elected govern- 
ment, the other three members — Nigeria, Sierra Leone, and 
Gambia — all being under military rule. As a contribution 
toward Ghanaian democracy, the Commonwealth, along with 
the OAU and the Carter Center in the United States, provided 
international observer teams to monitor Ghana's presidential 
election in November 1992. 

Ghana's relations with Britain continued to be generally 
good under the PNDC. British Minister of State for Foreign 
and Commonwealth Affairs, Mrs. Lynda Chalker, paid a suc- 
cessful official visit to Ghana in early 1987 which resulted in 
enhanced British aid for Ghana' economic reforms. Since the 
ERP began in 1983, Britain has given Ghana more than £69 
million as balance of payments support. Ghana has reportedly 
garnered more aid from Britain than any African country 
except Zimbabwe. Britain, along with other Western countries 
and international development agencies, also provided much 
needed technical, logistical, and financial support for the 
implementation of Ghana's governmental decentralization 
effort, for the first District Assembly elections in 1988-89, as 
well as for the presidential and parliamentary elections in 
1992. 

The United States 

Ghana has in general enjoyed good relations with the 
United States since independence, except for a period of 
strained relations during the later years of the Nkrumah 
regime. Ghana was the first country to which United States 
Peace Corps volunteers were sent in 1961. Ghana and the 
United States are signatories to twenty agreements and treaties 
covering such matters as agricultural commodities, aviation, 
defense, economic and technical cooperation, education, 



246 



The Kwame Nkrumah Mausoleum in Accra, dedicated in 1992 
Courtesy Embassy of Ghana, Washington 



extradition, postal matters, telecommunications, and treaty 
obligations. The refusal of the United States to join the Inter- 
national Cocoa Agreement, given Ghana's heavy dependence 
on cocoa exports to earn hard currency, is the most serious 
bilateral issue between the two countries. 

Relations between the United States and Ghana were partic- 
ularly rocky in the early 1980s, apparently because of Ghana's 
relations with Libya. The PNDC government restored diplo- 
matic relations with Libya shortly after coming to power. Libya 
came to the aid of Ghana soon afterward by providing much- 
needed economic assistance. Libya also has extensive financial 
holdings in Ghana. Rawlings has supported Libya's position 
that two Libyans accused of bombing a Pan American Airlines 
flight over Lockerbie, Scotland, in 1988 should be tried in a 
neutral country rather than in Britain or the United States. 



247 



Ghana: A Country Study 

Relations between the United States and Ghana were further 
strained by a series of diplomatic incidents in the mid-1980s. In 
July 1985, a distant relative of Rawlings, Michael Soussoudis, 
was arrested in the United States and charged with espionage. 
Despite Soussoudis's conviction, he was exchanged the follow- 
ing December for several known United States Central Intelli- 
gence Agency (CIA) agents in Accra, but not before diplomats 
had been expelled in both Accra and Washington. In March 
1986, a Panamanian-registered ship carrying arms and a num- 
ber of mercenaries and United States veterans of the Vietnam 
War was seized off the coast of Brazil. The PNDC charged that 
the arms and soldiers were destined for Ghana and that they 
had been financed by a Ghanaian dissident with links to the 
CIA. During their trial, several crew members admitted that the 
charges were substantially true. Although they were convicted 
and imprisoned, three subsequently escaped with what the 
PNDC alleged was CIA assistance. 

In spite of these incidents, relations between the United 
States and Ghana had improved markedly by the late 1980s. 
Former United States president Jimmy Carter visited Ghana in 
1986 and again in 1988 and was warmly received by the PNDC. 
His Global 2000 agricultural program (see Glossary), which is 
quite popular with Ghanaian farmers, is helping promote good 
relations with the United States. In 1989 the United States for- 
gave US$114 million of Ghana's foreign debt, part of a larger 
debt relief effort by Western nations. The United States has 
strongly favored Ghana's economic and political reform poli- 
cies, and since the birth of the Fourth Republic and Ghana's 
return to constitutional rule, has offered assistance to help 
Ghana institutionalize and consolidate its steps toward demo- 
cratic governance. In FY 1994, United States development aid 
totaled about US$38 million; in addition, the United States 
supplied more than US$16 million in food aid. 

Other Countries 

After 1981, PNDC foreign policy was designed to promote 
the country's economic growth and well-being by establishing 
friendly relations and cooperation with all countries irrespec- 
tive of their economic and political philosophies or ideological 
orientation. PNDC policy also sought new markets for Ghana's 
exports, the expansion of existing markets, and new invest- 
ment opportunities. 



248 



Government and Politics 



Ghana's relations with Canada were quite good under the 
PNDC, as were Ghana's relations with the European Commu- 
nity and its member countries. In 1987, as part of its cancella- 
tion of the debts of several African countries, Canada canceled 
a Ghanaian debt of US$77.6 million. In 1989 Germany can- 
celed US$295 million of Ghana's foreign debt, and France can- 
celed US$26 million. 

A number of Western countries, including France and Can- 
ada, continued to cancel debts in 1991, reflecting the generally 
cordial relations between Ghana and Western countries and 
the confidence the West had in PNDC policies. In early July 
1991, Rawlings paid a three-day official visit to Paris, which sym- 
bolized the close ties that had developed between the PNDC 
and the French government. Western countries have contin- 
ued to show keen interest in, and support for, the ERP and 
Ghana's transition to democratic government. 

In line with its commitment to the principles of nonalign- 
ment, the PNDC sought to develop close relations with the 
socialist regimes in Eastern Europe, Cuba, the Democratic Peo- 
ple's Republic of Korea (North Korea), and China. In the early 
days of PNDC rule, Rawlings made official visits to China and 
Ethiopia, the latter then headed by a Marxist-Leninist regime. 

During these visits, various economic, trade, and cultural 
agreements were concluded. Notable was the PNDC agreement 
with the German Democratic Republic (GDR or East Ger- 
many) for the improvement of roads in Kumasi, Ghana's sec- 
ond largest city, and of the Kumasi-Accra highway. The GDR 
also supplied Ghana with new railroad coaches. Barter trade 
with East European countries, especially the GDR, Romania, 
and Bulgaria, also increased. The PNDC established a State 
Committee for Economic Cooperation to ensure more effec- 
tive cooperation with socialist countries and showed keen inter- 
est in developing relations with the Council for Mutual 
Economic Assistance. 

The PNDC policy of restructuring Ghana's education sys- 
tem, moving from purely academic curricula to vocational and 
technical training, benefited from Ghana's close ties with 
socialist countries, notably Cuba. By 1985 Cuba was training 
some 1,000 Ghanaian school children and middle-level techni- 
cians. Cuba also offered Ghanaians training in political leader- 
ship for "revolutionary organs" and national security. 
Hundreds of Ghanaian youths left for various socialist coun- 
tries to pursue professional and technical courses. The Soviet 



249 



Ghana: A Country Study 

Union, China, and other socialist countries awarded scholar- 
ships to Ghanaians for both academic and technical courses. In 
addition, short-term training was offered for Ghana's Commit- 
tees for the Defence of the Revolution. Bulgaria provided train- 
ing in political organization and leadership, and the Soviet 
Union furnished education in medicine, veterinary sciences, 
and engineering. 

The PNDC believed that Cuba provided a fruitful field for 
cooperation in areas other than education. The PNDC agreed 
to a joint commission for economic cooperation and signed a 
number of scientific and technical agreements with Cuba rang- 
ing from cultural exchanges to cooperation in such fields as 
health, agriculture, and education. Cuba trained Ghana's 
national militia, gave advice in the creation of mass organiza- 
tions such as the CDRs, and provided military advisers and 
medical and security officers for the PNDC leadership. The two 
countries also signed agreements for the renovation of Ghana's 
sugar industry and for three factories to produce construction 
materials. In 1985 Ghana and Cuba signed their first barter 
agreement, followed by new trade protocols in 1987 and 1988. 
Cuban medical brigades worked in Tamale in the Northern 
Region, one of the poorest areas in Ghana. Cubans coached 
Ghanaian boxers and athletes and taught Spanish in Ghanaian 
schools. 

Ghana's relations with Cuba continue to be strong despite 
Ghana's return to multiparty democracy and the severe eco- 
nomic crisis in Cuba in 1993 and 1994. A joint commission for 
cooperation between the two countries meets biennially in the 
alternate venues of Accra and Havana. Cuba is helping to cre- 
ate a faculty of medical sciences in Ghana's new University of 
Development Studies at Tamale (see The Education System, 
ch. 2). At the end of 1994, thirty-three medical specialists were 
working in Ghanaian hospitals. A bilateral exchange of tech- 
nology and experts in mining and agriculture was also under- 
way. Cuba is training 600 Ghanaians, mostly in technical 
disciplines, including engineering, architecture, and medicine. 
The two countries are engaged in successful business ventures, 
too, including a first-class tourist resort at Ada in Greater Accra 
Region and a Ghana-Cuba construction company. 

Economic relations between Ghana and Japan are quite cor- 
dial, having improved considerably under the PNDC. Japan 
offered Ghana about US$680 million toward the rehabilitation 
of its telephone and television services. Following the visit to 



250 



Government and Politics 



Japan of a Ghanaian delegation in early 1987, Japan pledged a 
total of US$70 million toward Ghana's economic development. 
In early 1994, Japan offered a further US$16.6 million to mod- 
ernize rail transport and to improve water supplies. In October 
1994, Ghana joined in urging the UN Security Council to 
admit Japan and Germany, two countries that in 1993 and 1994 
were among Ghana's largest aid donors, in recognition of the 
international political and economic stature of both countries. 

Ghana's relations with Arab countries were also generally 
good during the PNDC period, and they remained so under 
the new NDC administration. Considerable economic assis- 
tance flowed into Ghana from the Arab world. Ghana signed 
loan agreements with the Saudi Arabian Fund for Develop- 
ment for various development projects in Ghana, including the 
promotion of Islamic education. In early January 1994, loan 
agreements totaling US$16.5 million from the Kuwaiti Fund 
for Arab Economic Development were signed to fund a ther- 
mal power plant at Takoradi. 

Following the peace accord between Israel and the Palestine 
Liberation Organization in September 1993, Ghana reestab- 
lished diplomatic relations with Israel in August 1994. Diplo- 
matic relations between the two countries had been broken in 
1973 in support of member Arab states of the OAU who were at 
war with Israel. In urging resumption of diplomatic ties, parlia- 
ment noted that Ghana stood to gain access to Israeli technol- 
ogy, notably in water engineering and irrigation, sewerage 
construction, and agriculture. 

Finally, in June 1994, a new Ghanaian ambassador presented 
his credentials to Russian president Boris Yeltsin in Moscow At 
the time, the Ghanaian government expressed its hope that 
democratic restructuring in both Ghana and Russia and the 
advent of a market economy in Russia would lead to new and 
diversified bilateral trade and economic cooperation. 

International Organizations 

Ghana belongs to sixteen UN organizations and twenty-four 
other international organizations, including the Common- 
wealth. Nkrumah saw the UN as the most effective forum for 
small, poor countries such as Ghana to exert some influence in 
a world dominated by more powerful nations. As it had with 
the Commonwealth, Ghana, a leader among countries of the 
developing world, sought to enlarge the UN role in economic 
development and to make it an effective force for world peace. 



251 



Ghana: A Country Study 

Ghana was also a leader of the African countries that lobbied to 
advance the cause of freedom in Africa. Nkrumah made the 
UN Charter a plank of Ghana's foreign policy and helped to 
make the UN a forum for nonalignment as he maneuvered 
with other Afro-Asian leaders between East and West. Among 
Ghanaians who have achieved world prominence in the UN is 
Kenneth Dadzie, who from 1986 to 1994 was secretary general 
of the UN Conference on Trade and Development. 

The PNDC preserved Ghana's commitment to the ideals and 
objectives of the UN. In recognition of Ghana's strong commit- 
ment to African causes and its active involvement in the Gene- 
ral Assembly, Ghana became one of the African countries 
elected to a non-permanent seat in the UN Security Council 
during 1986-87. Ghana has also contributed troops to UN 
peacekeeping operations around the world, including Iraq- 
Kuwait (1991), Cambodia (1992-93), and Rwanda (1993-94) 
(see International Security Concerns, ch. 5). 

The PNDC also maintained Ghana's active membership in 
the Non-Aligned Movement. Indeed, the diplomatic highlight 
of the PNDC government in 1991 was its successful hosting, in 
Accra in early September, of the tenth ministerial conference 
of the Non-Aligned Movement. The meeting attracted one of 
the largest contingents of foreign ministers of all recent Afri- 
can conferences. 

Ghana also hosted a well-attended conference of nongovern- 
mental organizations in Accra in late August 1991 as a prelude 
to the nonaligned conference. The conference concerned 
itself with economic development, peace, and a just world 
order. 

In honor of Kwame Nkrumah, Ghana's first president and a 
founding member of the Non-Aligned Movement and of Pan- 
Africanism, the PNDC commissioned the Kwame Nkrumah 
Memorial Park and the Nkrumah Mausoleum in Accra on July 
1, 1992. The remains of the late president were brought from 
Nkroful, his birthplace, and reinterred in a moving public cere- 
mony. The park and the mausoleum fulfilled a pledge made by 
the PNDC in 1990 to commemorate Nkrumah's contributions 
to Ghana and to Africa by means of an appropriate memorial. 

Future Democratic Prospects 

At the end of 1994, Ghana's young democracy seemed intact 
and on course. Although the electoral processes of the Fourth 
Republic were riddled with controversy and even some vio- 



252 



Government and Politics 



lence, the prospects for multiparty democracy appeared bright. 
This was true despite the opposition boycott of the parliamen- 
tary elections, leading to a virtual one-party state in practice. 
The NDC government had so far demonstrated a willingness to 
abide by the strictures of the 1992 constitution; the legislature 
appeared unrestricted in its deliberations, which were open to 
public scrutiny and opposition criticism despite the absence of 
a formal parliamentary opposition; and the judiciary had estab- 
lished its independence, unfettered by executive interference 
in its decisions, a majority of which had gone against the gov- 
ernment. 

Another positive development since the establishment of the 
Fourth Republic in January 1993 has been the growing accep- 
tance by the NDC-dominated government of the crucial dis- 
tinction between the interests of a ruling party and those of the 
state or civil society. This distinction was virtually nonexistent 
under military rule or the one-party state. This development in 
turn has resulted in the emergence and growth of independent 
civic institutions and organizations. 

In celebrating two years of democracy at the end of 1994, 
Ghanaians were not forgetful of the painful fact that each of 
the last two attempts at constitutional rule had come to an 
abrupt end after only two years. Given the record since 1992, 
however, there was cause for cautious optimism. It may be that 
the return of Jerry Rawlings in 1981 will turn out to be the 
coup that ended the cycle of coups and the act that led at last 
to a new political era in Ghana. 

* * * 

A rich body of literature exists on government and politics in 
Ghana during the colonial and early postindependence peri- 
ods. Individual works range from general historical surveys to 
important case studies produced by Ghanaian and foreign spe- 
cialists. The politics and government of the PNDC and the 
Fourth Republic, however, are less fully documented. 

Among classic studies of the early decolonization and postin- 
dependence periods are Dennis Austin's Politics in Ghana, 
1946-1960, David E. Apter's Ghana in Transition, and Maxwell 
Owusu's Uses and Abuses of Political Power: A Case Study of Continu- 
ity and Change in the Politics of Ghana. The standard works on 
foreign policy covering the Nkrumah period (1957-66), 
namely Willard S. Thompson's Ghana's Foreign Policy, 1957- 



253 



Ghana: A Country Study 

1966: Diplomacy, Ideology, and the New State and Michael Dei- 
Anang's The Administration of Ghana's Foreign Relations, 1957- 
1965: A Personal Memoir, are equally relevant for a complete 
understanding of foreign policy under the PNDC and the 
Fourth Republic, which remains basically Nkrumahist. 

Zaya Yeebo's Ghana, the Struggle for Popular Power: Rawlings, 
Saviour or Demagogue and Donald I. Ray's Ghana: Politics, Econom- 
ics, and Society are leftist and partisan but contain useful 
insights. Ghana under PNDC Rule, 1982-1989, edited by E. Gyi- 
mah-Boadi, with contributions by eleven Ghanaian academics 
at the University of Ghana, provides a balanced if brief over- 
view of the years of PNDC rule. Good preliminary studies of 
party politics in the Fourth Republic are presented in the vol- 
ume entitled Political Parties and Democracy in Ghana 1 s Fourth 
Republic, edited by Kwame A. Ninsin and Francis K. Drah. 

Jeffrey Herbst's The Politics of Reform in Ghana, 1982-1991 is a 
good critical examination of the politics of economic reform 
under the PNDC. The most systematic and comprehensive 
study of the presidential and parliamentary elections of 1992 is 
by Richard Jeffries and Clare Thomas, "The Ghanaian Elec- 
tions of 1992." Maxwell Owusu's "Custom and Coups: A Juridi- 
cal Interpretation of Civil Order and Disorder in Ghana," 
"Rebellion, Revolution and Tradition: Reinterpreting Coups in 
Ghana," and "Democracy and Africa — A View From the Vil- 
lage" provide in-depth analysis as well as a cultural and histori- 
cal perspective on the PNDC period. (For further information 
and complete citations, see Bibliography) 



254 



er 5. National Security 




Ceremonial state sword, symbol of chiefly authority and power among theAkan 



GHANA HAS A RICH AND VARIED military history. During 
the nineteenth century, the Asante, one of the major ethnic 
groups in the country, relied on military power to extend their 
rule throughout most of what eventually became the modern 
state of Ghana. The Asante also engaged in a series of military 
campaigns against the British (in 1873, 1896, and 1900) for 
control of the country's political and economic systems. After 
the British established a protectorate, thousands of Ghanaians 
served in the Royal West African Frontier Force. In the two 
world wars of the twentieth century, tens of thousands of Gha- 
naians fought with the Western allies. From 1945 until 1957, 
the British used the Ghanaian army to maintain internal secu- 
rity. 

At independence in 1957, Ghana's armed forces were 
among the best in Africa. However, President Kwame Nkrumah 
(1960-66) gradually destroyed this heritage by transforming 
the armed forces from a traditional military organization into 
one that he hoped would facilitate the growth of African social- 
ism and Pan-Africanism, would aid in the fight against neocolo- 
nialism, and would help implement Nkrumah's radical foreign 
policy. Nkrumah also Africanized the officer corps as rapidly as 
possible. In 1966 the armed forces moved to end its use as a 
political tool by overthrowing Nkrumah. For the next twenty- 
five years, the military repeatedly intervened in the political 
process to stabilize Ghana and to improve the country's econ- 
omy. In 1992, however, Ghana's military regime presided over 
multiparty elections, which the regime hoped would return the 
country to a parliamentary system of government. 

The Ghanaian military, with a personnel strength of 6,850 in 
1994, helped to maintain internal security and to preserve 
Ghana's territorial integrity. Throughout the 1980s, the gener- 
ally pro-Western armed forces relied on a variety of sources for 
foreign military assistance, including the United States, Italy, 
Libya, and the Soviet Union. Organized into a 5,000-member 
army, a 1,200-member air force, and a 1,000-member navy, the 
military was capable of performing its missions. During the 
1980s and early 1990s, moreover, the Ghanaian armed forces 
and some police personnel participated in United Nations 
peacekeeping operations in Cambodia, Croatia, Western 
Sahara, Iraq/Kuwait, Rwanda, and Lebanon. Ghana also con- 



257 



Ghana: A Country Study 



tributed troops to the Economic Community of West African 
States Monitoring Group peacekeeping force in Liberia. 

International Security Concerns 

As of the mid-1990s, there was no external threat against 
Ghana; however, Ghana has experienced periodic tensions 
with two West African states, Togo and Liberia, which at the 
time some observers believed could lead to armed conflict. 
The parties involved in these disputes avoided hostilities by 
relying on diplomacy rather than on military force to resolve 
their problems. 

In January 1976, Ghanaian-Togolese relations deteriorated 
after Togo urged a readjustment of their common border in 
Togo's favor. Ghana rejected this demand, citing the 1956 
United Nations (UN) referendum, which had given western 
Togoland's population the choice of staying in Togo or of join- 
ing Ghana. Nevertheless, in March 1976, the Ghanaian govern- 
ment banned the National Liberation Movement for Western 
Togoland (NLMWT). Later that month, Ghanaian security 
forces arrested ten people near Togo's border and charged 
them with subversion for contacting Ghanaian dissidents in 
Togo. Although the NLMWT threatened to use force against 
Ghana unless the UN intervened in the crisis, it failed to 
launch a successful guerrilla war against Ghana. 

In September 1982, Ghana closed the border to prevent 
Ghanaian dissidents who lived in Togo from crossing into 
Ghana. Nevertheless, tensions between the two countries resur- 
faced after Flight Lieutenant Jerry John Rawlings seized power 
in Ghana at the end of 1981. Rawlings warned the Togolese 
against allowing Ghanaian dissidents to use Togo's territory as 
a base from which to launch attacks against Ghana. In early 
1984, after Ghana had reopened the border, the Togolese gov- 
ernment calmed Accra's fears by threatening to arrest any Gha- 
naian exiles who held meetings in Togo. 

In 1986 relations with Togo again deteriorated after Ghana- 
ian security forces captured a group of armed dissidents who 
had crossed the border from Togo. Ghana's secretary for for- 
eign affairs protested the use of neighboring countries as bases 
for subversive activities against the Rawlings regime. In Septem- 
ber 1986, Lome claimed that Togolese dissidents, operating 
from Ghana, had attempted a coup against the government of 
Togo's president, General Gnassingbe Eyadema. As a result, 
Togo temporarily closed the border with Ghana and then 



258 



National Security 



deported 233 Ghanaians. In January 1989, relations between 
the two countries became strained again when Togo expelled 
120 Ghanaians. After Togo reopened its land, air, and sea bor- 
ders with Ghana in October 1990, relations between the two 
countries gradually improved. 

On January 30, 1993, clashes that pitted Togolese security 
forces loyal to Eyadema against several opposition groups 
prompted approximately 55,000 refugees to flee to Ghana. 
Accra, which sided with Eyadema's opponents, responded by 
placing the Ghanaian armed forces on full alert, ostensibly to 
aid the refugees. Rawlings claimed that because of this trouble, 
he was considering a recall of all Ghanaian troops serving on 
missions abroad for the UN and in Liberia. After attackers 
stormed Eyadema's home in Lome on March 25, 1993, the 
Togolese government closed its border with Ghana and 
accused the Rawlings regime of providing a safe haven for the 
raiders. 

In early 1994, the two countries almost went to war following 
yet another incident. According to Togolese authorities, more 
than 100 armed Togolese crossed the border from Ghana in 
early January to assassinate Eyadema and to take control of the 
government. Togo immediately closed its border with Ghana, 
and each nation then accused the other's armed forces of 
launching cross-border raids. Although tensions eased later in 
the year, the Ghanaian minister of foreign affairs warned of 
further incidents unless Eyadema introduced basic democratic 
reforms. 

Ghanaian-Liberian relations suffered a setback in September 
1989 over rumors that Monrovia planned a forceful repatria- 
tion of resident Ghanaians following the return of more than 
400 Liberians from Ghana. Although Accra denied that it had 
deported the Liberians, Monrovia retaliated by expelling 350 
Ghanaians. A more serious problem occurred in 1990, when a 
rebel force known as the National Patriotic Front of Liberia 
reportedly seized about 2,000 Ghanaians living in Liberia. 
Many Ghanaians also resented the presence of approximately 
6,000 Liberian refugees who had settled in a camp at 
Bruburam near Accra; they argued that Ghanaian security 
forces should halt the influx of refugees by detaining them at 
the border, by force if necessary. 

Despite these difficulties, beginning in mid-1990 the Ghana- 
ian government deployed three battalions of troops to Liberia 
as part of the Economic Community of West African States 



259 



Ghana: A Country Study 



Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) peacekeeping force. These 
troops served eight-month tours. In late 1994, about 1,000 Gha- 
naian troops were still serving in Liberia despite the govern- 
ment's growing impatience with the mission and the lack of 
progress toward a settlement of the conflict. 

The ECOMOG operation was but one in a long list of inter- 
national peacekeeping missions in which Ghana has partici- 
pated. As early as 1978, Ghana contributed soldiers to the UN 
Interim Force in Lebanon; nearly 800 were still on duty there 
in mid-1994. Other UN missions to which Ghana has contrib- 
uted include the Iraq-Kuwait Observation Mission (1991-94); 
Cambodia, where more than 1,000 Ghanaians served as secu- 
rity personnel during UN-supervised elections in 1992-93; 
Somalia (1994); and Rwanda, where nearly 850 Ghanaians 
troops were part of a 2,500-member peacekeeping force in 
1994. Assignments with ECOMOG and other international 
peacekeeping operations were avidly sought after, in part 
because they presented opportunities for self-enrichment, such 
as black-market dealings, otherwise unavailable to the average 
soldier. So lucrative were UN assignments that there were 
reports of bribery for selecting such forces. 

Internal Security Concerns 

Ghana has a long history of internal division, rooted in 
antagonisms and conflicts among the country's various ethnic 
groups. For example, the Asante (also seen as Ashanti — see 
Glossary) in the center of the country have long been at odds 
with southern peoples such as the Ga, Fante, Akwapim, Nzema, 
and Ewe. In the seventeenth century, the Asante began con- 
quering smaller northern states. The Asante then moved 
south, where they came into contact with the Fante. Conflicts 
between these two groups ultimately led to British interven- 
tion. For much of the nineteenth century, the British battled 
the Asante for control of most of the territory that became 
modern Ghana (see Arrival of the Europeans and The Colo- 
nial Era: British Rule of the Gold Coast, ch. 1). Even after the 
country gained independence as the new nation of Ghana in 
1957, ethnic divisions continued to trouble Ghanaian society. 

Several dissident organizations, however, most of which had 
been created by exiles during the 1980s, dedicated themselves 
to deemphasizing ethnicity and to facilitating the growth of 
nationalism. In April 1982, various members of Ghana's 
banned political parties established the Campaign for Democ- 



260 



National Security 



racy in Ghana and opened offices in Lagos and London. This 
group characterized the Rawlings regime as "an instrument of 
terror" and urged all Ghanaians to employ all legitimate means 
to ensure that democracy and constitutional order were 
restored in the country. In April 1984, J. H. Mensah, who had 
been the minister of finance in the Kofi Abrefa Busia govern- 
ment (1969-71), formed the Ghana Democratic Movement, 
which welcomed all citizens who believed in "the restoration of 
democracy in Ghana." 

In the precolonial era, political opposition was tolerated 
only up to point, after which retribution was likely. During the 
colonial period in the Gold Coast, later renamed Ghana, the 
British jailed outspoken nationalists. Since independence, 
Ghana's security policy toward dissidents and political oppo- 
nents has been harsh. During Kwame Nkrumah's presidency 
(1960-66), security personnel permeated all levels of Ghanaian 
society. Additionally, the Ghana Young Pioneers, created in 
June 1960, regularly reported all suspected dissident activities 
to the authorities. Nkrumah also encouraged rivalries among 
senior officials to discourage them from taking united action 
against him. Individuals who fell afoul of Nkrumah usually 
ended up in jail; more dangerous people received long-term 
sentences in the maximum security prison at Nsawam. 

Since the downfall of Nkrumah, all governments except that 
of Hilla Limann (1979-81) have dealt harshly with any individ- 
ual or organization deemed to be a threat to the established 
political order. Informants watched military personnel, mem- 
bers of political parties, academics, students, and ordinary citi- 
zens for signs of disloyalty, antigovernment activity, or coup- 
plotting. During the early years of the second Rawlings regime 
in the 1980s, the authorities also sought to prevent the emer- 
gence of prodemocracy groups. In mid-1987, for example, the 
police arrested members of the New Democratic Movement 
(NDM) and the Kwame Nkrumah Revolutionary Guards 
(KNRG), supposedly for plotting to overthrow the govern- 
ment. Gradually, however, Western and domestic pressures per- 
suaded the Ghanaian government to permit political 
competition and to hold multiparty elections in late 1992. 

The Armed Forces in National Life 

Ghana has a rich and varied military history. The military 
traditions of the Asante and several other Ghanaian peoples 
dominated the precolonial era. During the British period, the 



261 



Ghana: A Country Study 

military consisted of a modest army organized along infantry 
lines. At independence, Nkrumah expanded the armed forces 
to enhance the country's national prestige. The army grew in 
size and complexity, and the government established a separate 
air force and navy. This growth exceeded Ghana's national 
security requirements, however, and imposed an economic 
burden on the new state. In the decades since independence, 
Ghana has continued to maintain a comparatively large mili- 
tary force. By the early 1990s, it had become clear that the gov- 
ernment would have to respond to popular demands for 
greater economic growth by reducing the size of the military 
establishment. 

The Armed Forces in the Past 

The armed forces have traditionally played a significant role 
in Ghanaian society. The most important factors associated 
with the growth of the military's role in national life include 
the emergence of Asante militarism, the British conquest, and 
the political activities of the armed forces following indepen- 
dence. 

The Asante Wars 

Historically, the Asante, who are members of the Twi-speak- 
ing branch of the Akan people, have exercised considerable 
influence in the region. The groups that constituted the core 
of the Asante confederacy moved north and settled in the vicin- 
ity of Lake Bosumtwi. Prior to the mid-seventeenth century, 
several Asante leaders, one of them Oti Akenten (r. ca. 1630- 
60), embarked on a program of military expansion that 
enabled the Asante to dominate surrounding groups, establish 
the most powerful state in the central forest zone, and form an 
alliance with neighboring states known as the Asante confeder- 
ation. 

In the late seventeenth century, Osei Tutu (d. 1712 or 1 71 7) 
became asantehene (king of Asante). During his reign, the 
Asante confederation destroyed the influence of Denkyira, 
which had been the strongest state in the coastal hinterland 
and which had been exacting tribute from most of the other 
Akan groups in the central forest. Asante authorities then 
moved the confederation's capital to Kumasi and continued 
their policy of military expansion. During one southern expe- 
dition, rebels ambushed and killed Osei Tutu and most of his 
generals. The Asante confederation, which allowed newly con- 



262 



National Security 



quered territories to retain their customs and chiefs, survived 
this catastrophe and continued to expand its boundaries, in 
the process transforming itself into an empire. Under succeed- 
ing leaders, Asante armies extended the empire's frontier 
southward. By the beginning of the nineteenth century, the 
Asante governed a territory as large as modern-day Ghana and 
were challenging the Fante states for control of the coast, 
where European traders had established a network of posts and 
fortifications. 

The rapid growth of the Asante empire aroused the suspi- 
cions of the Fante, who believed that the Asante sought to sub- 
jugate the coastal states. Asante-Fante relations, therefore, 
remained hostile for most of the second half of the eighteenth 
century. Specific problems between the two Akan states 
included the Fante refusal to allow Asante traders direct access 
to the coast; a Fante law that prohibited the sale of firearms 
and ammunition to the Asante army; Fante support of Denk- 
yira, Akyem, and other states in their revolts against Asante 
authority; and the Fante practice of granting sanctuary to refu- 
gees from the Asante empire. To resolve these problems, the 
Asante launched three successful military expeditions (in 1807, 
1811, and 1816) against the Fante and by 1820 had become the 
strongest power in West Africa. 

The Asante army, which achieved these and numerous other 
victories, relied on troops mobilized for specific campaigns 
rather than on a standing, professional force. Evasion of mili- 
tary service was punishable by death. The army, which lacked 
cavalry, possessed superior infantry comprising musketeers, 
bowmen, and spearsmen. The armed force also included 
scouts (akwansrafo); an advance guard (twafo); a main force 
(adonten); the king's personal bodyguard (gyase); a rear guard 
(kyidom); and two wings, the left (benkum) and the right {nifa). 
Additionally, the Asante army had a medical corps (esumank- 
wafo) that treated the army's wounded and removed the dead 
from the battlefield. 

The Asante army's success against the Fante, coupled with 
the Asante's determination to preserve their empire, posed a 
threat to the British, who also wanted to control the coast for 
strategic, political, and economic reasons. Britain's commit- 
ment to stopping the slave trade made it impossible for the 
British to maintain good relations with the Asante, who, by 
1820, had become the main source of slaves on the coast. Many 
British policy makers believed, moreover, that it was their duty 



263 



Ghana: A Country Study 

to promote Christianity and Western civilization. Some British 
merchants also believed that if Asante power could be 
destroyed, a vast market would be opened to them. 

Given the differences between the British and the Asante, a 
military clash between them was inevitable. After the Asante 
executed a Fante soldier who served in a British garrison for 
insulting their king, the British launched a military expedition 
against a 10,000-member Asante force near the village of Bon- 
saso. The Asante not only outnumbered the British but also 
used superior tactics. The fighting, which began on January 22, 
1824, initially favored the Asante, who encircled the British 
force and killed Governor Charles MacCarthy. Eventually, how- 
ever, the British drove the Asante back to Kumasi. 

After reorganizing and re-equipping, the Asante in 1826 
again invaded the coast, attacking the British and their allies. 
During the fighting on the open plains of Accra, the British 
used Congreve rockets, which frightened Asante warriors who 
believed the enemy was using thunder and lightning against 
them. The Asante panicked and fled to Kumasi. According to a 
peace treaty concluded in 1831, the asantehene recognized the 
independence of the coastal states and agreed to refer all 
future disputes to the British for adjudication. In exchange, the 
coastal states promised to allow the Asante to engage in legal 
trade on the coast and to respect the asantehene. During much 
of the following two decades, Captain George Maclean, presi- 
dent of a local council of British merchants, used tact and 
diplomacy to enforce the peace treaty. 

After the British government resumed responsibility for the 
administration of the coastal forts in 1843, relations with the 
Asante gradually deteriorated. In addition to assaults on Asante 
traders, the asantehene believed that the British and their Fante 
allies no longer treated him with respect. When British Gover- 
nor Richard Pine refused to return an Asante chief and a run- 
away slave to the asantehene, the Asante prepared for war. In 
April 1863, they invaded the coast and burned thirty villages. 
Pine responded by deploying six companies along the Pra 
River, the border between states allied with the British and the 
Asante. The deployed force built a network of stockades and a 
bridge, but it returned home without engaging the enemy after 
inexplicably having lost its guns, ammunition, and supplies. 

The Second Asante War (1873-74) began as a result of the 
asantehene^ attempt to preserve his empire's last trade outlet to 
the sea at the old coastal fort of Elmina, which had come into 



264 



Ghanaian infantry depart Accra for a peacekeeping 

mission in Liberia. 
Courtesy Embassy of Ghana, Washington 

British possession in 1872. In early 1873, a 12,000-member 
Asante army crossed the Pra River and invaded the coastal area 
but suffered a defeat at Elmina. The British government then 
appointed Major General Garnet Wolseley administrator and 
commander in chief and ordered him to drive the Asante from 
the coastal region. In December 1873, Wolseley's African levies 
were reinforced by the arrival of several British units. 

Approximately one month later, Wolseley sent an advance 
party across the Pra, warning the asantehene that he intended to 
begin hostilities. Wolseley, however, also offered an armistice. 
When negotiations failed, both sides prepared for war. 

The most significant battle of the Second Asante War 
occurred at Amoafo, near the village of Bekwai. Although the 
Asante performed admirably, superior weapons allowed the 
British to carry the day. Asante losses were unknown; the Brit- 
ish lost four men and had 194 wounded. In the following days, 
Wolseley captured Bekwai and then Kumasi. On March 14, 
1874, the two sides signed the Treaty of Fomena, which 
required the Asante to pay an indemnity of 50,000 ounces of 
gold, to renounce claims to Elmina and to all payments from 
the British for the use of forts, and to terminate their alliances 



265 



Ghana: A Country Study 

with several other states, including Denkyira and Akyem. Addi- 
tionally, the asantehene agreed to withdraw his troops from the 
coast, to keep the trade routes open, and to halt the practice of 
human sacrifice. 

The British victory and the Treaty of Fomena ended the 
Asante dream of bringing the coastal states under their power. 
The northern states of Brong, Gonja, and Dagomba also took 
advantage of the Asante defeat by asserting their indepen- 
dence. The Asante empire was near collapse. In 1896 the Brit- 
ish declared a protectorate over Asante and exiled the 
asantehene, Prempeh, his immediate family, and several close 
advisers to the Seychelles Islands. 

The last Anglo-Asante war occurred in 1899-1900, when the 
British twice tried to take possession of the asantehene'^ Golden 
Stool, symbol of Asante power and independence. In April 
1900, the Asante reacted to these attempts by launching an 
armed rebellion and by laying siege to the Kumasi fort, where 
the British governor and his party had sought refuge. The Brit- 
ish eventually defeated the Asante, both capturing and exiling 
the rebellion's leader, Yaa Asantewaa, and fifteen of her closest 
advisers. The conclusion of the last Anglo-Asante war resulted 
in the formal annexation of the Asante empire as a British pos- 
session. 

World War I 

After establishing supremacy in the Gold Coast, the British 
created the Gold Coast Regiment as a component of the West 
African Frontier Force (WAFF), which kept peace throughout 
the territories of the Gold Coast, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, and 
the Gambia. In 1928 the WAFF became the Royal West African 
Frontier Force (RWAFF). British officers and noncommis- 
sioned officers organized, trained, and equipped the Gold 
Coast Regiment. For much of the colonial period, the British 
recruited African enlisted personnel only from ethnic groups 
in the Northern Territories Protectorate, the northern third of 
the colony (see fig. 3). Eventually, the Gold Coast Regiment 
accepted a few African officers along with an increasing num- 
ber of African noncommissioned officers from the south. Nev- 
ertheless, the north-south division continued to characterize 
the Gold Coast Regiment. 

On July 31, 1914, four days before the British declaration of 
war on Germany, Accra mobilized its military forces. The Gold 
Coast Regiment included thirty-eight British officers, eleven 



266 



National Security 



British warrant or noncommissioned officers, 1,584 Africans, 
(including 124 carriers for guns and machine guns), and about 
300 reservists. Additionally, the four Volunteer Corps (Gold 
Coast Volunteers, Gold Coast Railway Volunteers, Gold Coast 
Mines Volunteers, and Ashanti Mines Volunteers) fielded about 
900 men. These forces participated in the campaigns in Togo, 
Cameroon, and East Africa. 

Deployment of the country's armed forces required the 
reduction of the British colonial establishment by 30 percent 
between 1914 and 1917 and the closure of several military 
installations in the Northern Territories. These actions per- 
suaded many Gold Coast residents that British colonial rule was 
about to end. As a result, a series of disorders and protests 
against British colonial rule occurred throughout the country. 

During August and September 1914, for example, riots 
broke out in Central Province and Ashanti, followed three 
years later by unrest at Old Nigo. The wartime weakening of 
the administrative structure in the Northern Territories also 
fueled opposition to chiefs who used their positions to exploit 
the people they ruled, to encourage military recruitment, or to 
advance the cause of British colonial rule. Disturbances among 
the Frafra at Bongo in April 1916 and in Gonja in March 1917 
prompted the authorities to deploy a detachment of troops to 
the Northern Territories to preserve law and order. 

World WarU 

Although many of the more radical Pan-Africanists and 
Marxist-Leninists hoped to enlist northern black troops and ex- 
servicemen in their anticolonial struggle, there was little unrest 
during the interwar period. During World War II, approxi- 
mately 65,000 Ghanaians served in the RWAFF. The Gold Coast 
Regiment participated in campaigns in East Africa and Burma 
and in maneuvers in the Gambia. 

Military service, particularly overseas, enhanced the political 
and economic understanding of many individual soldiers, a 
development that facilitated the growth of postwar national- 
ism. Military service, however, also underscored cultural and 
ethnic differences among Ghanaians. Many Asante and most 
southerners looked down upon northerners, who made up the 
majority of the Gold Coast Regiment. These divisions carried 
over into postwar politics and, according to some observers, 
have continued to prevent the development of a strong sense 
of national identity to the present day. 



267 



Ghana: A Country Study 

The Gold Coast also played a significant role in the Allied 
war effort. On June 27, 1942, the United States Army activated 
the Air Transport Command in Cairo under Brigadier General 
Shepler W. Fitzgerald. Ten days later, Fitzgerald moved his 
headquarters to Accra and organized the Africa-Middle East 
Wing. In late 1942, the United States Army expanded its pres- 
ence in Accra by activating the Twelfth Ferrying Group Head- 
quarters, the Forty-first Ferrying Squadron, and the Forty- 
second Ferrying Squadron. The Twelfth Ferrying Group, 
which was part of a transportation network reaching from the 
United States, via Africa, to the China-Burma-India theater of 
operations, ensured the movement of men and materiel 
through Senegal, Ghana, and Chad. 

In contrast with the post-World War I era, Ghanaian veterans 
engaged in widespread political activities after World War II. In 
1946 some former soldiers established the Gold Coast Ex-Ser- 
vicemen's Union, which sought to improve economic condi- 
tions and to increase employment for veterans. During a 
February 1948 union-sponsored march, police killed two dem- 
onstrators and wounded several others. Unrest quickly spread 
throughout the country. Eventually, the union joined the 
United Gold Coast Convention and then became part of the 
Convention People's Party (CPP), which worked for indepen- 
dence under Nkrumah's leadership. After independence, the 
government passed the Ghana Legion Act, which outlawed ex- 
servicemen's organizations and which created instead a 
national Ghana Legion. Although it supposedly represented all 
Ghanaians, the establishment of the Ghana Legion marked the 
end of independent political action by ex-servicemen. 

The Development of the Modern Army 

After independence, Ghana opted out of the RWAFF. 
According to Nkrumah, this action was necessary because the 
RWAFF was "one of the trappings of colonialism." The Ghana- 
ian army had grown in size and complexity, moreover, and the 
government created a separate air force and navy. The mili- 
tary's ostensible mission was to aid the national police in main- 
taining internal security; however, Nkrumah wanted to use the 
armed forces to buttress his foreign policy and Pan-Africanist 
goals. 

British officers who served in the Ghanaian armed forces 
thwarted Nkrumah's plans to use the military as a political tool. 
As a result, in September 1961 Nkrumah dismissed all British 



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National Security 



military personnel and ordered the Africanization of the 
armed forces. By removing the British from command posi- 
tions, Nkrumah destroyed an apolitical safeguard and exposed 
the military to political manipulation. However, much of the 
British-trained Ghanaian officer corps resisted Nkrumah's 
attempts to indoctrinate them with the political ideology of the 
CPP. Moreover, the officer corps shunned the political commis- 
sars whom Nkrumah had introduced into all units. 

To break the power of the traditional Ghanaian military 
establishment, Nkrumah created his own private army in viola- 
tion of the country's constitution. The Soviet Union supported 
this effort by providing military advisers and weaponry. After 
an unsuccessful attempt on his life, Nkrumah ordered the 
expansion of the presidential guard company to regimental 
strength. On the recommendation of Soviet security advisers, 
Nkrumah also added a civilian unit to the bodyguard. The mili- 
tary and civilian wings formed the Presidential Guard Depart- 
ment. In 1963 Nkrumah changed the name of this 
organization to the Presidential Detail Department. By Febru- 
ary 1966, this unit's First Guard Regiment included a 1,500- 
member battalion, and the Second Guard Regiment was in the 
process of being formed and trained by Soviet advisers. 

The Presidential Detail Department also supervised secret 
storage depots and training camps for Nkrumah's constantly 
expanding private army. These facilities were located at Elmina 
Castle, Akosombo, Afianya, and Okponglo. After Nkrumah's 
downfall, Ghanaian authorities discovered an array of weapons, 
including heavy machine guns, mortars, and artillery, at these 
sites. Anti-Nkrumah elements insisted that such weaponry, 
which exceeded the needs of the Presidential Detail Depart- 
ment, was destined for Nkrumah's private army. 

Apart from trying to create a parallel military establishment, 
Nkrumah also established a multifaceted intelligence appara- 
tus. In early 1963, one of Nkrumah's closest supporters, 
Ambrose Yankey, established the Special Intelligence Unit to 
monitor the activities of antigovernment individuals and 
groups. By 1966 this unit included 281 people, all of whom 
reportedly received training from Soviet and other communist 
advisers. Another intelligence unit, Department III, Military 
Intelligence, was not part of the Ministry of Defence. Instead, 
its task was to check independently on the loyalty of the regular 
armed forces. Department III, Military Intelligence, main- 
tained an interrogation center at Burma Gamp. The Bureau 



269 



Ghana: A Country Study 

for Technical Assistance conducted espionage in other African 
countries. Additionally, on October 1, 1965, the bureau estab- 
lished an all-African intelligence service known as the Special 
African Service (also known as the Technical Unit), which was 
designed to penetrate the intelligence services of other African 
countries. By 1966 this organization had grown from forty to 
sixty-seven personnel. 

The Military and the Government 

The National Liberation Council, 1966-69 

The officer corps of the regular armed forces viewed the 
activities of the Nkrumah regime with increasing alarm. As a 
result, on February 24, 1966, a small number of army officers 
and senior police officials, led by Colonel E.K. Kotoka, com- 
mander of the Second Army Brigade at Kumasi; Major A.A. 
Afrifa, staff officer in charge of army training and operations; 
Lieutenant General (retired) J.A. Ankra; andJ.W.K. Harlley, 
the police inspector general, successfully launched a coup 
d'etat against the Nkrumah regime. The new government, 
known as the National Liberation Council (NLC), justified its 
action by citing Nkrumah's abuse of power, widespread politi- 
cal repression, sharp economic decline, and rampant corrup- 
tion. 

On April 17, 1967, a group of junior officers of the army 
reconnaissance squadron based at Ho in the Volta region 
launched a countercoup; however, intervention by other mili- 
tary units and the lack of a coherent plan on the part of the 
mutineers saved the NLC. After an investigation, the two young 
lieutenants who commanded the mutiny were tried by a mili- 
tary court, convicted, and executed. The courts also passed 
lengthy prison sentences on twenty-six of the reconnaissance 
squadron's noncommissioned officers who supported the coup 
attempt. 

Pro-Nkrumah elements also plotted against the NLC. In late 
1968, the authorities arrested Air Marshal M.A. Otu, who had 
succeeded Kotoka as general officer commanding the armed 
forces but not as an NLC member, and his aide, a navy lieuten- 
ant, for alleged subversive activity. A military court charged 
both men with plans to overthrow the NLC and to return Nkru- 
mah to power, but eventually the two were acquitted. 

There were no further incidents or threats to the NLC. After 
a civilian government came to power in October 1969, the 



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National Security 



armed forces reverted to their traditional roles of maintaining 
internal security and safeguarding territorial integrity. 

The Acheampong Regime, 1972-78 

On January 13, 1972, the military seized control of the gov- 
ernment for the second time under the leadership of Lieuten- 
ant Colonel I.K. Acheampong. The army justified its action by 
accusing the civilian government, headed by Busia, of having 
failed to resolve the various problems confronting the Ghana- 
ian armed forces. 

The origin of the army's disaffection lay in the 1971-72 aus- 
terity budget, according to which defense expenditures were 
too large for a country as small as Ghana. The subsequent 
reductions affected maintenance and materials. Reductions 
also increased the difficulties facing younger army officers. By 
the early 1970s, the lack of funds had forced the Ghana Mili- 
tary Academy to reduce the size of its annual class from about 
120 to twenty-five cadets. 

Many senior army officers had also complained that the 
1966 coup had interrupted the normal promotion cycle. They 
maintained that officers who supported Kotoka received 
quicker promotions, whereas those whose loyalty was in ques- 
tion were held back. Ewe officers, who had been shunted aside 
since the end of the NLC regime, believed that Acheampong 
would restore an equitable ethnic balance to the officer corps. 
Lastly, the army objected to the Busia government's decision to 
broaden the army's mission to include such nonmilitary func- 
tions as engaging in anti-smuggling patrols, supporting anti- 
cholera drives, facilitating flood relief work, and participating 
in reconstruction projects. 

To rule Ghana, Acheampong established the National 
Redemption Council (NRC) and acted as its chairman. Ini- 
tially, the NRC consisted of six army officers and one civilian; 
however, Acheampong eventually broadened the NRC's mem- 
bership to include officers from all the services. Newcomers 
included the air force and navy commanders and the inspector 
general of the police. Acheampong dropped the two lower- 
ranking army officers and the civilian member. The NRC 
assumed legislative and executive powers while the NRC chair- 
man became head of state and commander in chief. The NRC 
chairman also was responsible for all NRC appointments and 
removals with the advice of not less than two-thirds of the NRC 



271 



Ghana: A Country Study 

members. The NRC could remove the chairman by a unani- 
mous decision. 

The NRC appointed nine military officers who ranked from 
major to colonel to serve as regional commissioners. Customar- 
ily, these commissioners worked in their traditional homelands. 
The NRC and the regional commissioners constituted the 
Executive Council. The NRC and the Executive Council, which 
together included about thirty senior military officers, ruled 
Ghana. The NRC militarized Ghanaian society, moreover, by 
appointing senior military officers to positions in all major 
departments, regional bodies, state corporations, and public 
boards. Additionally, Acheampong wanted to change the con- 
stitution to end party politics and to create a union govern- 
ment composed of civilians, military personnel, and police. 
Such a system, Acheampong believed, would create national 
unity, end tribalism, and facilitate economic development. 

The failure to achieve these goals and the 1975 decision to 
transform the NRC into the Supreme Military Council (SMC) 
marked the beginning of Acheampong's downfall. The govern- 
ment maintained that the SMC would restore the military hier- 
archy that the 1972 coup had destroyed. Over the next two 
years, the Acheampong regime gradually lost popular support 
because of growing corruption, economic problems, and 
clashes between the SMC and the general public, culminating 
in violent disturbances during the 1978 referendum on union 
government. 

The Akuffo Coup, 1 978 

As public hostility toward the SMC increased, Ghana became 
increasingly ungovernable. On July 5, 1978, junior officers on 
the Military Advisory Committee persuaded senior officers, led 
by Lieutenant General Frederick W.K. Akuffo, to force 
Acheampong to resign. The creation of what was termed SMC 
II, however, failed to restore public confidence in the govern- 
ment, largely because Akuffo refused to abandon the idea of a 
union government without party politics. As a result, there 
were about eighty strikes in a four-month period to protest the 
regime's economic policies. In November 1978, when junior 
civil servants went on strike, the regime declared a state of 
emergency and dismissed more than 1,000 public employees. 
Akuffo eventually succumbed to this pressure by announcing 
that the ban on political parties would be lifted on January 1, 
1979, and that free elections would be held. 



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National Security 



The 1979 Coup and the First Rawlings Government 

Ghana's third military coup was planned by a small group of 
disgruntled officers. On May 15, 1979, less than five weeks 
before the national elections, Flight Lieutenant Jerry John 
Rawlings and several members of the air force (junior officers 
and corporals) unsuccessfully tried to overthrow the govern- 
ment. During the court martial of the coup's seven plotters, 
Rawlings justified his action by claiming that official corruption 
had eroded public confidence in the government and had tar- 
nished the image of the armed forces. Rawlings also charged 
that Syrian and Lebanese businessmen living in Ghana had 
gained control of the country's economy at the expense of the 
African majority. 

On the night of June 4, 1979, a group of junior officers and 
enlisted personnel of the Fifth Battalion and the Reconnais- 
sance Regiment in Burma Camp freed Rawlings and staged a 
coup. These individuals then formed the Armed Forces Revo- 
lutionary Council (AFRC) to rule the country. The AFRC 
included a cross section of ranks from private and lance corpo- 
ral to staff sergeant, airman, lieutenant, and naval commander. 
Although the scheduled elections occurred as planned on June 
18, 1979, the AFRC retained power until September 24, 1979, 
when President Hilla Limann and the People's National Party 
(PNP) assumed control of the government. 

Meanwhile, the AFRC purged the senior ranks of the armed 
forces and executed eight officers, three of whom had been 
former heads of state (Acheampong, Akuffo, and Afrifa). From 
July to September 1979, special courts held hearings and sen- 
tenced 155 military officers, former officials, and wealthy busi- 
nessmen to prison terms ranging from six months to ninety-five 
years. Additionally, the AFRC collected back taxes from numer- 
ous government officials and threatened to seize the assets of 
many others unless they refunded money to the state that they 
had allegedly embezzled or stolen. The AFRC also charged 
hundreds of military officers with corruption and sentenced 
them to long prison terms. Many civil servants fell victim to the 
purge and lost their jobs as well. 

The 1981 Coup and the Second Rawlings Government 

The combination of official corruption, Rawlings's contin- 
ued political activities, and deteriorating economic conditions 
doomed the Limann government. On December 31, 1981, 



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Ghana: A Country Study 

Rawlings, supported by lower-ranking soldiers, most of whom 
served in the Reconnaissance Regiment, seized power. Rawl- 
ings then established the Provisional National Defence Council 
(PNDC) to rule the country, dissolved parliament, and banned 
all political parties. On January 21, 1982, Rawlings appointed a 
sixteen-member civilian government with a cabinet of secretar- 
ies and told them to "serve the people sacrificially." The PNDC 
also assumed control of the Ministry of Defence. The Rawlings 
regime further consolidated its power by promulgating PNDC 
Law 42, which suspended the constitution and gave the govern- 
ment wide powers over Ghanaian citizens. 

Shortly after seizing power, Rawlings took action against 
individuals who had allegedly committed crimes against the 
Ghanaian people. In January 1982, for example, the PNDC 
ordered former members of the banned PNP and other unde- 
sirable elements to report to the nearest police station or army 
barracks. The authorities detained some of these individuals 
and released others after registering their names. The police 
and army continued this roundup by arresting allegedly cor- 
rupt individuals who had served in the Limann government, 
former members of parliament, businessmen suspected of trad- 
ing on the black market, and alleged coup plotters. On June 
30, 1982, one or more members of the PNDC and their accom- 
plices abducted and then murdered three High Court of Jus- 
tice judges and the personnel director of the Ghana Industrial 
Holdings Corporation. 

Despite the popularity of the Rawlings regime, there were 
two coup attempts in late 1982 and in early 1983. On Novem- 
ber 23, 1982, a group of soldiers tried to overthrow the regime, 
initiating hostilities at Gondar Barracks. Government forces, 
however, defeated the rebels and the police arrested more than 
twenty people. The second coup attempt occurred on Febru- 
ary 27, 1983, when security forces arrested nine soldiers and 
two civilians in Achimota, near Accra. The authorities claimed 
that they also discovered heavy machine guns, rockets, ammu- 
nition, and a list of people to be assassinated. Kojo Tsikata, spe- 
cial adviser to the PNDC, also accused the United States 
embassy of involvement in the coup attempt, but the Ghanaian 
government never proved this allegation. 

Challenges to the Rawlings regime continued throughout 
the 1980s. During 1985 and 1986, for example, there were at 
least seven coup attempts. On September 24, 1989, two days 
after Rawlings had assumed direct command of the armed 



274 



Lieutenant General 
Frederick W K. Akuffo, head 
of state and chairman of the 
Supreme Military Council, 
1978-79 

Courtesy Embassy of Ghana, 
Washington 



Armored personnel carriers 
of the Ghanaian army 
Courtesy Embassy of Ghana, 
Washington 





275 



Ghana: A Country Study 

forces, the government announced that it had foiled yet 
another attempted coup. The attempt was led by Major Cour- 
age Quarshigah, a popular officer in the Ghanaian armed 
forces, former commandant of the Ghana Military Academy, 
and a former close ally of Rawlings. Quarshigah and four other 
army officers were arrested. They were accused of planning to 
assassinate Rawlings as part of the coup, but several of the 
accused allegedly favored a return to constitutional rule under 
a civilian government. 

Despite the so-called Quarshigah Affair and other attempted 
coups, Rawlings remained in control of the PNDG and the 
armed forces, which he commanded from September 1989 
until June 1990. An Economic Recovery Program (ERP), sup- 
ported by the International Monetary Fund (IMF — see Glos- 
sary) and the World Bank (see Glossary), was adopted to 
improve the lives of Ghanaians. The Rawlings regime also 
acceded to popular demands for a democratic, multiparty elec- 
tion. Despite these accomplishments, however, corruption, 
authoritarianism, and the misuse of power have continued to 
be significant problems. 

The Military and the Economy 

Military costs have fluctuated widely since independence. 
During the Nkrumah era, the government maintained a large, 
relatively well-equipped military for reasons of national pres- 
tige. After the 1966 coup, the ruling NLC sought to improve 
the country's economy by lowering military spending. The 
NLC, however, was unwilling to reduce military manpower for 
fear of alienating the armed forces; instead, it saved money by 
canceling plans to purchase new equipment. To update its mil- 
itary inventory, Ghana strengthened links with nations such as 
Britain, Canada, and the United States, all of which repre- 
sented possible sources of military assistance. 

Since the downfall of Nkrumah, the level of Ghana's military 
spending has fluctuated widely, partly because of several major 
currency devaluations. According to the World Bank, however, 
Ghana's military spending has declined overall. In 1972 Ghana 
earmarked about 7.9 percent of total expenditures for defense, 
a figure that by 1989 was down to 3.2 percent. Since then, 
defense expenditures have declined even further. In 1992, the 
most recent year for which reliable figures are available, Ghana 
allocated about US$105 million for the armed forces, or less 
than 2 percent of total budgetary expenditures. 



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National Security 



Armed Forces Mission, Organization, and Strength 

Since independence, the mission of the armed forces has 
been twofold: to protect Ghana's territorial integrity from for- 
eign aggression, and to maintain internal security. In the mid- 
1990s, ground forces held the dominant role in the defense 
establishment. In terms of organization, the military is com- 
posed of the army and its subordinate air and naval elements, 
numbering in all 6,850 active-duty personnel in 1994. The mili- 
tary command structure extends from the minister of defense 
in the national government to commanders in the field. Mili- 
tary units are deployed in the capital, Accra, and in Ghana's 
border regions. The 5,000-member Ghanaian army, which has 
an eastern and a western command, is organized into two bri- 
gades, with six infantry battalions; one reconnaissance regi- 
ment, with two reconnaissance squadrons; one airborne force, 
with one paratroop company; one artillery regiment; and one 
field engineer regiment. 

Military equipment consists predominantly of older weapons 
of British, Brazilian, Swiss, Swedish, Israeli, and Finnish origin. 
Servicing of all types of equipment has been extremely poor, 
largely because of inadequate maintenance capabilities. As a 
result, foreign military advisers or technicians perform all 
major maintenance tasks. Included in the Ghanaian inventory 
are FV-601 Saladin and EE-9 Cascavel reconnaissance vehicles; 
MOWAG Piranha armored personnel carriers; 81mm and 
120mm mortars; 84mm recoilless launchers; and 14.5mm 
ZPU-4 and 23mm ZU-23-2 air defense guns. 

The 1,000-member Ghanaian air force consists of one coun- 
terinsurgency squadron equipped with MB-326K and MB-339 
aircraft; three transport squadrons equipped with F-27 and F- 
28 Fokkers, a C-212 Aviocar, and Skyvan aircraft; and one train- 
ing squadron equipped with MB-326F, Bulldog, and L-29 
Delfin aircraft. The air force also has Bell, Mi-2 Hoplite, and 
SA-319 helicopters. It operates from bases in Accra (headquar- 
ters and main transport base), Tamale (combat and training 
base), Takoradi (training base), and Kumasi (support base). 
The air force's mission is to perform counterinsurgency opera- 
tions and to provide logistical support to the army. Since inde- 
pendence, performance has been hindered by a lack of spare 
parts and by poor maintenance capabilities. On September 18, 
1987, Air Force Commander J. E.A. Kotei announced plans to 
begin internal passenger service to supplement the efforts of 
Ghana Airways. Under this program, the government autho- 



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Ghana: A Country Study 

rized the transformation of Tamale airport into a civil-military 
airport. 

Ghana's navy provides coastal defense, fisheries protection, 
and security on Lake Volta. During World War II, the Gold 
Coast Volunteer Naval Force, which had been established in 
1936, provided sea patrols and conducted mine-detection and 
neutralization operations along the coast. In 1959 the Ghana- 
ian government established a true navy and assigned a former 
Royal Navy officer the duties of chief of staff with the rank of 
commodore. In 1961 a Ghanaian army brigadier replaced the 
British commodore. On July 14, 1989, the navy recommis- 
sioned two ships, GNS Yogaga and GNS Dzata, at the western 
naval base in Sekondi. The vessels had been refurbished by a 
British shipyard, Swan Hunter. In 1994 the navy was organized 
into an eastern command, with headquarters at Tema, and a 
western command, with headquarters at Sekondi. The naval 
inventory includes two Kromantse-class corvettes and two 
Achimote-class and two Dazata-class fast attack craft. 

The Ghanaian navy has experienced low readiness rates 
because of spare parts shortages. In the late 1980s and early 
1990s, budgetary constraints and a lack of serviceable equip- 
ment forced the navy to reduce its manpower from about 1,200 
to approximately 850 personnel. Nevertheless, in 1990 Ghana's 
navy deployed some of its ships to support the Economic Com- 
munity of West African States Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) 
mission in Liberia. In late 1992, two of the navy's ships were in 
France for refitting. 

Paramilitary forces consist of the 5,000-member People's 
Militia, which serves as a home guard force and is responsible 
for preventing and controlling civil disturbances and insurrec- 
tion. A small, elite Presidential Guard consisting of one infan- 
try battalion provides security for the president. The Ghanaian 
government also has created a National Civil Defence Force 
(also known as the Committees for the Defence of the Revolu- 
tion) , which includes all citizens able to perform military ser- 
vice. According to the country's defense plans, the National 
Civil Defence Force would be required to guard important 
installations in times of crisis to relieve pressure on the regular 
armed forces. 

Military Manpower, Training, and Morale 
Manpower 

There is a two-year national service requirement for male 



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National Security 



Ghanaians, but military manpower levels have always been 
maintained by voluntary enlistment. A limited number of 
women also serve in the armed forces, but all women are found 
in administrative positions, not in operational units. Since mid- 
1988, all national service personnel have undergone a six- 
month military training program that stresses drilling, weapons 
handling, physical fitness, and first aid. 

The armed forces offer commissions to qualified individuals 
from civilian life or to those who have completed cadet train- 
ing. The term of service usually is five years with reserve obliga- 
tions thereafter. Most technical services officers are selected 
from civilian life on the basis of professional qualifications. 
Recruits for combat or combat support branches are required 
to complete two years of cadet training before receiving their 
commissions. 

Enlisted personnel are recruited for particular service 
branches to satisfy specific branch needs. Enlistments last up to 
twelve years with various active- and reserve-duty options. Reen- 
listments are authorized for a total of eighteen years. In addi- 
tion, unit commanders are empowered to extend this term of 
service on a case-by-case basis. Specifically, enlisted recruits for 
the technical services are required to possess at least a middle 
school or junior secondary school education. All personnel 
must pass a physical examination and be at least eighteen years 
of age. 

Training 

Military training for all officer candidates of the army, air 
force, and navy is conducted at the Ghana Military Academy 
near Accra. Entrance to the academy is by examination, and 
the curriculum includes military and general subjects. Army 
cadets train for two years. At the end of the first six months, a 
few candidates may be selected to finish their studies at foreign 
institutions such as the Royal Military Academy at Sandhurst in 
Britain. The Ghana Military Academy, established in 1960, also 
provides short courses in higher military education for the 
officers of the three services. The best senior officers are 
selected periodically to attend the Army Staff College at Cam- 
berley in Britain or one of several other senior service schools 
in foreign countries. 

The Armed Forces Training School at Kumasi trains army, 
air force, and navy recruits. The basic army training course 
lasts nine months and is followed by advanced individual train- 



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ing in the assigned unit. This school also provides specialist 
training. A parachute training school is located at Tamale and 
a jungle warfare school at Achiasi. 

The army has conducted numerous field exercises with a 
variety of code names, including Hot Foot, Deep Thrust, Oper- 
ation Swift Sword, Full Impact, and Starlight Stretch. These 
exercises test an array of skills. Full Impact 88, for example, 
marked the first time that Ghanaian army, air force, and navy 
units trained together. Deep Thrust 89 emphasized jungle war- 
fare, junior leadership, and physical fitness. Starlight Stretch 
89, which was held at Daboya in the northern region, improved 
low-level operations for company groups in the infantry battal- 
ion. 

To enhance regional collective security, the Ghanaian army 
also has participated in joint exercises with Burkina Faso 
(Burkina, formerly Upper Volta). In November 1983 and in 
early 1985, the two countries sponsored joint exercises code- 
named Bold Union and Teamwork 85. The latter involved 
5,500 troops and ninety officers from the two armed forces. 
These personnel engaged in maneuvers in which government 
soldiers defended themselves against a battalion-strong enemy 
force which had installed itself on Dwarf Island near the strate- 
gically critical Akosombo Dam. 

The Ghanaian government subsequently pledged to help 
defend its neighbor in case of armed aggression. As a result of 
this agreement, Ghana and Burkina have continued joint exer- 
cises. In late 1986, a 3,000-member contingent of soldiers from 
Ghana and Burkina participated in a week-long exercise to test 
the combat readiness of their armed forces and security agen- 
cies. Then, in September 1987, the two countries staged a 
three-day exercise code-named Operation Vulcan in northern 
Ghana's Tamale region. During this exercise, paratroopers of 
the two countries parachuted into "friendly" territory to give 
support to ground forces under simulated enemy fire. Later 
that year, Ghana and Burkina concluded a three-month exer- 
cise in which four British trainers participated. 

Historically, the Ghanaian air force has relied on foreign mil- 
itary assistance from India, Israel, Canada, Britain, and Italy for 
pilot training. In early 1959, Indian and Israeli officers super- 
vised the formation of Ghana's air force. In mid-1959, an 
Indian air force senior air commodore established a headquar- 
ters for the service at Accra. In July 1959, Israeli air force 
instructors trained the first group of Ghanaian cadet fliers at 



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Accra International Airport. Two years later, ten Ghanaians 
qualified as pilots. 

In late I960, Ghana terminated the training agreement with 
Israel. Shortly thereafter, Accra and London signed an accord 
whereby 150 officers and airmen from the British Royal Air 
Force (RAF) assumed responsibility for training the Ghanaian 
air force. The commander of this RAF contingent also replaced 
the Indian air commodore as chief of staff of the Ghanaian air 
force. In mid-1961 a small group from the Royal Canadian Air 
Force (RCAF) supplemented the British mission. In September 
1961, as part of his Africanization program, Nkrumah 
appointed an army brigadier as chief of staff and relieved all 
RAF officers of their commands. The RAF contingent 
remained in Ghana, however, to help develop the Ghanaian air 
force as part of the British Joint Services Training Mission. 

In more recent years, Ghana has relied on Nigeria for air 
force training. In late 1989, twenty-five Ghanaian pilots and 
technicians graduated from various training programs in Kano, 
Nigeria. In 1989 Nigeria donated twelve Czech-built L-29 
Delfin trainers to the Ghanaian air force. The Ghanaian and 
Nigerian air forces also conducted joint operations under the 
auspices of the ECOMOG peacekeeping force in Liberia in the 
early 1990s. 

Naval training has concentrated on improving the skills of 
personnel both on shore and at sea. In addition, the Ghanaian 
navy regularly participates in joint air-and-sea search-and-res- 
cue operations. The United States navy has supplemented 
these efforts by allowing United States ships participating in 
the West African Training Cruise to visit Ghana. During the 
1990 training cruise, the United States donated an array of 
educational materials and conducted a symposium on fisheries 
enforcement. Inclement weather forced the cancellation of a 
joint amphibious exercise, however. 

The paramilitary People's Militia usually receives its training 
during evenings, weekends, and short periods of attachment to 
regular army units. The Presidential Guard, which evolved 
from the President's Own Guard Regiment established by 
Nkrumah, enjoys a higher training priority and commands a 
greater proportion of the military's resources (see The Devel- 
opment of the Modern Army, this ch.). 

Morale 

Morale in the Ghanaian armed forces has been influenced 
by several factors. During the early postindependence period, 



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military morale suffered because of ethnic tensions and the low 
esteem attached to the armed forces by the civilian sector. The 
politicization of the army and jealousy between officers and 
noncommissioned officers also lowered morale. During the 
years of military rule, morale gradually improved. In the ranks, 
however, esprit de corps has generally remained low because of 
poor pay and a lack of opportunities for education and promo- 
tion. 

A 1979 purge of the armed forces reversed this trend. By the 
late 1980s, morale throughout the armed forces was generally 
good because service conditions and the public perception of 
the military had improved. Also, the PNDC had improved the 
professionalism of the army. After Ghana contributed troops to 
the ECOMOG peacekeeping force in Liberia in mid-1990, how- 
ever, morale declined once more, especially among enlisted 
personnel, who opposed what they perceived to be an open- 
ended commitment to a war irrelevant to Ghana. Controversy 
arose when some individual Ghanaian soldiers exploited their 
position as peacekeepers to enrich themselves by engaging in 
black-market activities and other questionable behavior. 

Uniforms, Ranks, and Insignia 

Each component service has its own distinctive uniforms 
and insignia. At independence Ghana opted to retain the Brit- 
ish order of military ranks and corresponding insignia. In the 
1990s, Ghanaian ranks are still identical with British ranks and 
insignia except that Ghana has substituted a black star or the 
Ghanaian coat of arms for the British crown on appropriate 
insignia (see fig. 14; fig. 15). 

Officers in the army, air force, and navy and enlisted men in 
the army and air force wear their insignia on the shoulder. 
Naval enlisted men wear their insignia as cap badges except for 
leading seamen and first and second class petty officers, who 
wear cap badges and shoulder insignia. Field uniforms of the 
army are olive green, those of the navy are dark blue, and those 
of the air force are light blue. Service caps are identical with 
British service caps. 

Foreign Military Assistance 

Like most African armed forces, the Ghanaian military has 
depended on foreign military assistance since independence. 
Initially, Ghana looked to the West, especially Britain, for 



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equipment, training, and command support. As Ghanaian pol- 
itics became radicalized and the world divided along East-West 
lines, Ghana's military diversified its sources of military aid by 
developing ties to radical states such as the former Soviet 
Union, China, the German Democratic Republic (GDR, or 
East Germany), and Libya. After the Cold War ended, Ghana 
again turned to the West for most of its military needs. 

Britain 

Between 1958 and 1961, Britain not only satisfied all Ghana's 
military requirements but also allowed British military person- 
nel to serve in various command positions in the Ghanaian 
armed forces. By the end of 1961, the British had trained forty- 
three Ghanaian army cadets at Sandhurst and thirty-four at the 
British Officer Cadet School, Eaton Hall. 

Although it initially had opposed the formation of a Ghana- 
ian air force and navy, Britain eventually agreed to help train 
personnel from these services. In 1960 the British instituted an 
air force training and supply program on condition that the 
Indian and Israeli advisers who had established the air force 
were withdrawn. Additionally, between 1960 and 1963, Britain 
supplied twelve Chipmunk trainers, three Heron transports, 
and nine Whirlwind and Wessex helicopters. 

The Ghanaian navy also benefited from British training. 
Each year from 1960 to 1966, four or five Ghanaian naval 
cadets attended the Britannia Royal Naval College at Dart- 
mouth. By early 1967, eighty-seven Ghanaian naval officers and 
740 enlisted personnel were serving in British home bases or 
were receiving training with the Royal Navy. There also were 
twenty-seven officers and forty senior enlisted personnel from 
the Royal Navy in Ghanaian command and training positions. 

In April 1962, Accra allowed Britain to consolidate its mili- 
tary presence in Ghana by creating the Joint Services Training 
Team (JSTT). This organization, which was composed of offic- 
ers and ranks from the three services under the command of a 
brigadier, began its work with a total personnel strength of 248 
officers and men. The JSTT provided training and advisory 
support; some British officers also assumed command positions 
in the Ghanaian air force and navy. There were no British com- 
manders in the army. The JSTT continued to function until 
1971, when Ghana terminated its training agreement with Brit- 
ain. 



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285 



Ghana: A Country Study 

Even after Accra diversified its sources of foreign military 
assistance and Africanized the armed forces, however, Britain 
continued to be active in Ghana. In 1974-75 the Vosper 
Thornycroft shipyard refitted a corvette warship under a 
US$2.5 million contract. In 1978 Fairey Marine provided a 
Spear MK 2 Class coastal patrol boat to the Ghanaian navy. In 
March 1984, the British firm Plessy reported that it had 
arranged to furnish Ghana with equipment for air traffic con- 
trol. The British also received an August 1985 contract for 
about US$75,000 worth of electronics equipment. A few years 
later, Britain agreed to refurbish four Skyvan military and VIP 
transports; by mid-1991, the British had completed work on 
two of these aircraft and delivered them to Ghana. A limited 
number of British military personnel also participated in joint 
exercises with the Ghanaian armed forces. 

Canada 

From 1962 to 1968, Canada maintained a significant military 
presence in Ghana. This relationship began on January 8, 
1962, when Ottawa established a thirty-member Canadian 
Armed Forces Training Team (CAFTTG) to assist with the 
training of young Ghanaian officers. Except for pay and allow- 
ances, Ghana bore the cost of this training program. During 
their time in Ghana, CAFTTG personnel served at the Teshi 
Military Academy (later Ghana Military Academy), the Military 
Hospital, the Ministry of Defence, Army Headquarters, the 
Armed Forces Training School (Kumasi), the Air Force Station 
(Takoradi), the Airborne School (Tamale), and the Training 
School (Accra). RCAF pilots also augmented the RAF team 
that was training Ghanaian air force pilots. In 1969, the Cana- 
dian government decided to phase out all military assistance 
programs in developing countries. Ottawa later reversed this 
decision, however, and established a one-man CAFTTG office 
in Ghana until 1982, when this individual returned to Canada. 

Apart from training assistance, Canada also provided a mod- 
est amount of military equipment to Ghana during the imme- 
diate postindependence period. Shortly after the Ghanaian air 
force was formed, Ghana purchased numerous aircraft from 
Canada, including fourteen Beavers, twelve Otters, and eight 
twin-engined Caribou transports. 

Soviet Union 

In January 1958, Ghana and the Soviet Union opened diplo- 
matic relations. According to many Western observers, Moscow 



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planned to use Ghana as a base to extend its influence and 
communism throughout West Africa. Nkrumah, on the other 
hand, hoped that close relations with the Soviet Union would 
enable him to diversify Ghana's sources of military assistance. 
Ghana temporarily achieved its goal; Moscow, however, failed 
to establish a communist foothold in West Africa. 

The two countries maintained a multifaceted military rela- 
tionship. In 1961 Ghana purchased eight Ilyushin-18s, on 
credit, at more than US$1.5 million each. High operating coats 
forced the Ghanaian government to return four of these air- 
craft to the Soviet Union and to transfer the other four to 
Ghana Airways. Two years later, Moscow presented an Mi-4 
helicopter to Nkrumah as a personal gift. In 1965, after a year 
of internal unrest and several assassination attempts against 
him, Nkrumah concluded an arms deal with the Soviet Union 
for the purchase of weapons for the presidential guard. The 
shipment included twenty-four light artillery pieces, twenty-one 
medium mortars, fifteen antiaircraft guns, twenty heavy 
machine guns, and a large amount of ammunition. 

Apart from these military sales and the gift of a helicopter, 
the Soviet Union deployed an array of military, security, and 
technical advisers to Ghana in the 1960s. In 1964, for example, 
Soviet crews manned four patrol boats based at Tema; accord- 
ing to anti-Nkrumah elements, these patrol boats cruised the 
coast of Ghana and carried arms to opposition groups in 
nearby countries. By early 1966, the Soviet Union had begun 
construction of a new air base near Tamale in northern Ghana. 
Soviet instructors worked at secret Bureau of African Affairs 
camps, at the Kwame Nkrumah Ideological Institute in Win- 
neba, and at numerous other security and military training 
facilities. Additionally, at least seventy-six Ghanaian army offi- 
cer cadets attended military schools in the Soviet Union. 
Ghana Young Pioneers also received training at Komsomol 
schools in the Soviet Union. 

After the downfall of Nkrumah in 1966, up to 1,100 Soviet 
personnel were expelled from Ghana. The new government 
broke diplomatic relations with Moscow and terminated all 
military assistance agreements. In the following years, Soviet- 
Ghanaian cooperation was minimal. In the mid-1980s, Ghana 
unsuccessfully petitioned the Soviet Union to reactivate some 
of the projects that had been abandoned after Nkrumah was 
overthrown. In late 1986, Ghana's National Secretariat of Com- 
mittees for the Defence of the Revolution reportedly signed an 



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Ghana: A Country Study 

agreement with the Soviet Union for assistance in training 
national cadres. At the end of the 1980s, an unknown number 
of secret service personnel and commandos received training 
in the Soviet Union. As of late 1994, there was no indication 
that Ghana and Russia, the most powerful of the successor 
states of the former Soviet Union, had concluded any military 
assistance agreements. 

German Democratic Republic 

Like other major communist powers, East Germany sought 
to exploit Kwame Nkrumah's radicalism to erode Western 
influence in Ghana and to use Ghana as a base for spreading 
communism throughout West Africa. The relationship between 
the two countries began in 1964, when Ghana's Bureau of Afri- 
can Affairs approached the East German Trade Mission in 
Accra and requested intelligence training for its staff. Subse- 
quently, two East German officers who worked for the Ministry 
of State Security traveled to Ghana to assess the bureau's train- 
ing requirements. One of these officers remained in Ghana 
and inaugurated a "Secret Service and Intelligence Work" 
course for seven members of the Bureau of African Affairs. 
This officer later offered an "Intelligence Work Under Diplo- 
matic Cover" course for six other people who worked in the 
Bureau of African Affairs and who eventually were assigned to 
posts in Zambia, Nigeria, Kenya, Sierra Leone, Tanzania, and 
Burundi. East Germany also helped the Ghanaian government 
to create an intelligence section in the Bureau of African 
Affairs. These activities ended after Nkrumah's downfall. 

China 

Next to the former Soviet Union, China was the most active 
communist nation in Ghana. Chinese activities began in Octo- 
ber 1962, when Beijing provided a loan for the construction of 
two arms factories; Ghana, however, never used the funds. Two 
years later, the two countries signed a secret agreement for the 
provision of military equipment and advisers for Ghana's "free- 
dom fighters." In late 1964, a five-member team of Chinese 
guerrilla warfare experts arrived at Half Assini Training Camp. 
Shortly thereafter, this team inaugurated a twenty-day course 
that consisted of training in the manufacture and the use of 
explosives, guerrilla tactics, and "basic guiding and thinking on 
armed struggle." Other Chinese instructors offered another 
course at Obenimase Camp in Ashanti Region on strategy and 



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tactics, explosives, weapons use, telecommunications, and bat- 
tlefield first aid. An unknown number of Ghanaians also 
attended a three-month espionage training course in China. 
Students from many other African nations, including Zaire, 
Niger, Cameroon, Fernando Po, Tanzania, Zambia, Rwanda, 
Togo, Cote d'lvoire, Burkina, Gabon, Nigeria, and Guinea, also 
received intelligence training from the Chinese in Ghana. 

After the 1966 change of government, Ghana expelled 430 
Chinese nationals, including three intelligence officers and 
thirteen guerrilla warfare specialists. Although they resumed 
diplomatic relations in 1972, Ghana and China never re-initi- 
ated significant military ties. 

Israel 

In April 1959, Israel, with help from India, supervised the 
establishment of the Ghanaian air force. A small Israeli team 
also trained aircraft maintenance personnel and radio techni- 
cians at the Accra-based Air Force Trade Training School. 
Although the British persuaded Nkrumah to withdraw Israeli 
advisers from Ghana in 1960, Ghanaian pilots continued to 
receive some training at aviation schools in Israel. After Nkru- 
mah's overthrow, Israeli military activities in Ghana ended. 

United States 

Military relations between Ghana and the United States have 
been minimal and have been concentrated in the Interna- 
tional Military Education and Training (IMET) program, 
which includes professional military education, management, 
and technical training. Between fiscal year (FY) 1950 and FY 
1990, the value of training under the IMET program amounted 
to US$3.5 million. Estimated IMET figures for FY 1991 were 
US$252,000; for FY 1992, US$175,000; and for FY 1993, 
US$250,000. No credits under the United States Foreign Mili- 
tary Sales program were given to Ghana after 1955; in FY 1995, 
however, $300,000 in credits was reportedly made available. Pri- 
vate United States companies received about US$905,000 
worth of commercial export licenses for Ghanaian arms pur- 
chases from FY 1950 to FY 1990. 

Italy 

Since independence, Ghana has relied on Italy for an array 
of military aircraft. In early 1966, the Ghanaian air force estab- 



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Ghana: A Country Study 

lished a jet fighter/ground-attack squadron, which was com- 
posed of seven Italian Aermacchi MB-326s (within two years, 
three of these aircraft crashed and were later replaced). A 
small group of Italian Air Force instructors supervised this 
squadron. In 1983 and 1984, the Ghanaian air force accepted 
delivery of eight SIAI-Marchetti SF-260TP turboprop trainers. 
In mid-1987, Ghana ordered two Aermacchi MB-339 jet train- 
ers from Italy. 

Libya 

Little is known about the Ghanaian-Libyan military relation- 
ship. An unknown number of Libyan military personnel have 
participated in Ghanaian military exercises as observers. Dur- 
ing the second Rawlings regime, an undetermined number of 
Libyan soldiers received jungle warfare training in Ghana. In 
May 1983, the Ghanaian government acknowledged that it had 
received unspecified quantities of military equipment, mostly 
artillery pieces and ammunition, as gifts from Libya. To all 
appearances, Accra's ties to Libya weakened after Ghana 
moved closer to the West in the late 1980s. 

State Security Services 

The origins of Ghana's police force lie in efforts by the Brit- 
ish council of merchants to protect trading routes and depots. 
In 1830 the committee hired numerous guards and escorts. 
Fourteen years later, the British established the 120-member 
Gold Coast Militia and Police (GCMP). The authorities dis- 
banded this force in 1860 and created a ninety-member corps 
called the Queen's Messengers. Military units assumed the 
GCMP's paramilitary duties. 

During the Asante wars, the Queen's Messengers joined the 
Hausa Constabulary, imported from Nigeria, and formed the 
Gold Coast Armed Police Force. In 1876 the British reorga- 
nized this unit into the Gold Coast Constabulary, which was 
divided into two forces in 1901, with the paramilitary mission 
assigned to the Gold Coast Regiment and the police functions 
given to the Gold Coast Police Force. The Northern Territories 
Constabulary, which the British created in 1907, joined the 
Gold Coast Police Force shortly after World War I. This left the 
Gold Coast with one police force, a situation that prevailed 
until independence. 



290 




Ghanaian air force personnel on parade 
Contingent of the Ghanaian navy on parade 
Courtesy Embassy of Ghana, Washington 



291 



Ghana: A Country Study 

During the 1950s, the British instituted several changes in 
the Gold Coast Police Force to modernize, enlarge, and better 
equip the force. Of greater importance was Britain's decision 
to Africanize the police. During the first decade of this century, 
the British had restricted access to senior positions in all 
branches of the colonial administration. This restriction 
became a major concern of Ghanaian nationalists, who agi- 
tated against it, an action that gradually caused a reduction in 
the number of British officers. In 1951, for example, sixty-four 
of eighty senior police officers were foreigners; however, by 
1958, only eleven of 128 senior officers were foreigners. 

This Africanization continued under Nkrumah. In 1958 
Nkrumah appointed the first Ghanaian police commissioner, 
E.R.T. Madjitey. By the early 1960s, the only expatriates who 
remained on the force were a few technical advisers and 
instructors. Nkrumah, however, distrusted the police. After an 
unsuccessful assassination attempt against Nkrumah in 1964 by 
a police constable, he disarmed the police, discharged nine 
senior officers, detained eight others, and removed the Border 
Guards unit from the police and placed it under military con- 
trol. Nkrumah also reduced the size of the police force from 
13,247 in 1964 to 10,709 in 1965. 

After the demise of the Nkrumah regime, the size of the 
police force increased from 17,692 in 1966 to 19,895 in 1968. 
The government also restored the Border Guards unit to 
police control (in 1972 this unit again became an autonomous 
unit). By the early 1980s, the police enjoyed respect from most 
Ghanaians because, for the most part, they were not involved 
with government attempts to suppress political dissidents or to 
punish those suspected of trying to overthrow the Rawlings 
regime, duties normally assigned to the armed forces. 

In 1993 Ghana's law enforcement establishment consisted of 
351 police officers, 649 inspectors, and 15,191 personnel in 
other grades distributed among 479 stations. The national 
headquarters are in Accra; they operate under command of an 
inspector general. An eight-member Police Council, estab- 
lished in 1969, advises the inspector general on all personnel 
and policy matters. The inspector general supervises ten police 
regions, each commanded by an assistant commissioner of 
police. The police regions in turn are divided into districts, sta- 
tions, and posts. The police service is composed of General 
Administration, Criminal Investigations Department, Special 
Branch, Police Hospital, and National Ambulance Service. 



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Recruitment into the police is conducted at the rank-and-file 
and the commissioned-officer levels. All recruits must be 
between eighteen and thirty-four years of age, must pass a med- 
ical examination, and must have no criminal record. Escort 
Police applicants must have at least basic facility in spoken 
English, General Police applicants must have completed mid- 
dle school or junior secondary school, and officer corps appli- 
cants must hold a university degree. 

Training for rank-and-file personnel in the Escort and the 
General Police forces is conducted at the Elmina police depot; 
Escort Police also have been trained at several regional depots. 
Since 1975 recruits have attended a nine-month course of 
instruction in physical training and drill, firearms use, 
unarmed combat, and first aid. Escort Police are given general 
education and instruction in patrol and escort duties. General 
Police are trained in criminal law and procedures, methods of 
investigation, current affairs, and social sciences. 

The Accra Police College, established in 1959, offers a nine- 
month officer cadet course and two- to six-week refresher 
courses in general and technical subjects. Police officers staff 
the college; guest lecturers come from the police, other gov- 
ernment agencies, and universities. The officer cadet course 
offers instruction in criminal law and procedures, laws of evi- 
dence, police administration, finance, social sciences, practical 
police work, and physical fitness. Upon graduation, cadets are 
sworn in and promoted to assistant superintendent. 

Since the early 1990s, the reputation of the police has 
improved, primarily because fewer individual officers have 
used their positions to extort money from civilians. Moreover, 
an increasing number of police have been deployed overseas to 
support Ghana's commitment to international peacekeeping 
operations. In 1992-93, for example, a police contingent 
served with the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cam- 
bodia. In addition to supervising local police and maintaining 
law and order, this contingent also tried to prevent gross viola- 
tions of human rights and fundamental freedoms. 

Criminal Justice 

Prior to the advent of British imperial rule, traditional law, 
which sought to maintain social equilibrium and to ensure 
communal solidarity, governed social relations among Ghana's 
peoples. Among the Talensi ethnic group of northern Ghana, 
for example, homicide was viewed as a transgression against 



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Ghana: A Country Study 



the earth, one's ancestors, and the victim's lineage. Deterrence 
from crime or rehabilitation of an offender were not objectives 
of the legal system. Among the Asante, the same concern with 
social equilibrium and communal solidarity prevailed. Serious 
crimes such as murder, unintentional homicide, suicide, sexual 
offenses, treason, cowardice in war, witchcraft, and crimes 
against the chief were termed oman akyiwade, offenses that 
threatened the mystical communion between the community 
on the one hand and one's ancestors and Asante gods on the 
other. The authorities punished such behavior with a sentence 
of death in the case of murder or by the sacrifice of an appro- 
priate animal in the case of lesser offenses. Efisem, or minor 
crimes, did not rupture this relationship; hence, an offender 
could repay his debt to society with a ritual impata, or compen- 
sation. 

The British imposed upon Ghana's traditional societies crim- 
inal laws and penal systems designed to "keep the multitude in 
order" rather than to preserve the equilibrium between the 
human and spiritual worlds. The development of penal law, 
however, was uneven. From 1828 to 1842, a council of mer- 
chants exercised criminal jurisdiction in and around British 
forts on the coast. The council often abused this power, 
thereby alienating many Ghanaians. After creating the Gold 
Coast Colony in 1874, the British gradually reformed and 
improved the legal and the penal systems. After more than a 
century of legal evolution, the application of traditional law to 
criminal acts disappeared. Since 1961 the criminal law adminis- 
tered by the court system has been statutory and based on a 
Criminal Code. This code is founded on British common law, 
doctrines of equity, and general statutes which were in force in 
Britain in 1874, as amended by subsequent Ghanaian ordi- 
nances. 

Criminal Code and Courts 

Two of the three categories of offenses cited in the Criminal 
Code concern transgressions against the individual. The third 
category includes a series of offenses against public order, 
health and morality, and the security of the state, as well as 
piracy, perjury, rioting, vagrancy, and cruelty to animals. Sev- 
eral offenses reflect Ghana's traditional laws, including drum- 
ming with the intent to provoke disorder, cocoa smuggling, 
and settlement of private disputes by methods of traditional 
ordeal. 



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Criminal Court procedure is guided by the Criminal Proce- 
dure Code of 1960 as subsequently amended. As in British law, 
habeas corpus is allowed, and the courts are authorized to 
release suspects on bail. Ghana's legal system does not use 
grand juries, but, in accordance with constitutionally guaran- 
teed fundamental rights, defendants charged with a criminal 
offense are entitled to a trial by jury. 

Five degrees of offenses are recognized in Ghana. Capital 
offenses, for which the maximum penalty is death by hanging, 
include murder, treason, and piracy. First-degree felonies pun- 
ishable by life imprisonment are limited to manslaughter, rape, 
and mutiny. Second-degree felonies, punishable by ten years' 
imprisonment, include intentional and unlawful harm to per- 
sons, perjury, and robbery. Misdemeanors, punishable by vari- 
ous terms of imprisonment, include assault, theft, unlawful 
assembly, official corruption, and public nuisances. Increased 
penalties apply to individuals with a prior criminal record. Cor- 
poral punishment is not permitted. Punishments for juveniles 
are subject to two restrictions: no death sentence may be 
passed against a juvenile, and no juvenile under age seventeen 
may be imprisoned. Regulations and laws such as these are not 
applied equitably. Indeed, defendants habitually resort to one 
or another measure to avoid or ameliorate punishment. 

The Ghanaian court system is a multifaceted organization. 
The Supreme Court of Ghana, which consists of the chief jus- 
tice and four other justices, is the final court of appeal and has 
jurisdiction over matters relating to the enforcement or the 
interpretation of constitutional law. The Court of Appeal, 
which includes the chief justice and not fewer than five other 
judges, has jurisdiction to hear and to determine appeals from 
any judgment, decree, or High Court of Justice order. The 
High Court of Justice, which consists of the chief justice and 
not fewer than twelve other justices, has jurisdiction in all mat- 
ters, civil and criminal, other than those involving treason. 

Before mid-1993, lower courts consisted of circuit courts, 
which had jurisdiction in civil matters and in all criminal cases 
except offenses in which the maximum punishment was death 
or the offense was treason; district or magistrate courts, with 
jurisdiction over civil suits and criminal cases except first- 
degree felonies; and juvenile courts, empowered to hear 
charges against persons under seventeen years of age. In 1982 
the PNDC created a parallel hierarchy of special courts called 
public tribunals, which exercised only criminal jurisdiction, 



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Ghana: A Country Study 

including some offenses under the Criminal Code (see The 
Judiciary, ch. 4). Members of the public tribunals and their 
panels were mostly lay people who sat with lawyers. Proceed- 
ings were often swift and could result in death sentences. 
There were no provisions for appeals until 1984, when the 
PNDC established the National Public Tribunal, which con- 
sisted of three to five members, to receive appeals from lower 
tribunals. Its decisions, however, were final and could not be 
appealed. In 1982 a five- to seven-member Special Military Tri- 
bunal was also established to handle crimes committed by mili- 
tary personnel. 

In July 1993, the Parliament of the Fourth Republic incorpo- 
rated the public tribunals into the existing lower courts system, 
except for the National Public Tribunal, which was abolished. 
A new hierarchy of lower courts was established consisting of 
community tribunals, circuit tribunals, and regional tribunals. 
The tribunals have original jurisdiction in both civil and crimi- 
nal cases, and decisions can be appealed through higher 
courts. In late 1994, indications were that the new tribunals 
had not yet begun to function in many parts of the country, at 
least partly for lack of funds. 

Prison System 

There was no prison system in traditional Ghanaian societ- 
ies. In the mid-nineteenth century, the British council of mer- 
chants established a network of harsh prisons in forts such as 
Cape Coast Castle. By 1850 four such prisons could hold up to 
129 prisoners. Convicts usually worked on road gangs. The Pris- 
ons Ordinance of 1860 outlined regulations for the safe-keep- 
ing of prisoners. Later ordinances further defined the nature 
of the colony's prison regimen, or "separate system," which 
required solitary confinement by night, penal labor, and a min- 
imum diet. By the early 1900s, British colonial officials adminis- 
tered the country's prisons and employed Europeans to work 
as guards in the prisons. After World War II, Ghanaians gradu- 
ally replaced these individuals. By 1962 Ghanaians staffed all 
positions in the prison system. 

Under Nkrumah the government showed little concern for 
reform and modernization of the penal system. After Nkru- 
mah's overthrow, the National Liberation Council (NLC) 
authorized a civilian commission to investigate the prison sys- 
tem and to make recommendations for improvements. The 
commission's report, issued in 1968, revealed numerous prob- 



296 



National Security 



lems. Of the country's twenty-nine prisons, nine were judged 
unfit for human habitation, two were suitable only for police 
lockups, and thirteen were appropriate only for short-term 
detainment. Because of corruption and incompetence, how- 
ever, the NLC failed to act upon the commission's recommen- 
dations. As a result, prison conditions continued to be 
substandard, with poor ventilation, sanitation, and food-prepa- 
ration facilities. 

Ministerial responsibility for the prison system has shifted 
periodically since independence, but the operation of prisons 
is fixed by statute and is divided into adult and juvenile correc- 
tion. The former is governed by the Prisons Ordinance, which 
outlines rules for prison operation and treatment of prisoners. 
The constitution of 1969 established a Prison Service, the 
director of which is appointed by the chief executive and is 
responsible to the minister of interior. The Criminal Procedure 
Code determines procedures for handling young offenders. 

The Prisons Service Board formulates prison policy and reg- 
ulations and administers the country's prisons. The board con- 
sists of a Public Services Commission member as chairman, the 
prison services director, a medical officer of the Ghana Medical 
Association, a representative of the attorney general, the prin- 
cipal secretary of the Ministry of Employment and Social Wel- 
fare, and three other appointed members, one of whom must 
be a woman and two of whom must be representatives of reli- 
gious organizations. 

To ensure the welfare and the proper treatment of prison- 
ers, the constitution requires the Prisons Service Board to 
ensure that prison conditions are reviewed at intervals of not 
less than two years. Reports of unjustified treatment of prison- 
ers and recommendations for reform measures are required of 
the board. 

The prisons service is a career establishment with a promo- 
tion system based on training and merit; its members have 
retirement privileges similar to those of other public services. 
Prisons service standards require one staff member for every 
three prisoners, but the ratio in many institutions has risen to 
one to five or more. 

Although understaffing has been a long-standing problem, 
the quality of prison officers and guards has improved over the 
years. Women are included in both categories. Although 
recruited from all over the country, prison personnel largely 
come from the Ewe and Ga ethnic groups. The prisons service 



297 



Ghana: A Country Study 

maintains a training school and depot at Mamobi, near Accra. 
This facility offers a six-month training course for senior staff 
members, special courses for matrons, and preparatory courses 
for promotion examinations. 

In 1992, the most recent year for which data were available, 
the prison system consisted of twenty-seven institutions, includ- 
ing six central prisons for men at Accra (Ussher Fort and James 
Fort), Sekondi, Kumasi, Tamale, and Nsawam; two for women 
at Ekuasi (near Sekondi) and at Ho; fifteen local prisons sited 
throughout the country, six of which have annexes for women; 
and two "open" prisons, one at James Camp near Accra, and 
the other at Ankaful near Cape Coast. About 70 percent of 
commitments are for less than six months. Outside the crimi- 
nal justice system, the Ministry of Employment and Social Wel- 
fare operates probation homes in Accra and Jakobu Ashanti for 
boys and in Kumasi for girls; detention centers in Accra, 
Sekondi, Cape Coast, and Kumasi handle juveniles of both 
sexes. 

Persons convicted and sentenced to a period of police super- 
vision (parole) rather than imprisonment are subject to a 
licensing arrangement. Violations of the license terms are pun- 
ishable by one-year imprisonment. Upon convicting an 
offender of any age, a court may release that individual on pro- 
bation for six months to three years. Failure to comply with the 
terms of the probation can result in the probationer's having to 
serve the sentence for the original offense. Probation has been 
used mainly for young persons. 

Human Rights 

Ever since the Nkrumah government of the late 1950s and 
early 1960s, successive Ghanaian governments have devised 
policies to contain or to eliminate political opposition. Observ- 
ers, both domestic and international, point to the Preventive 
Detention Act of 1958 as the first major official act of human 
rights infringement. Subsequently, international human rights 
organizations such as Amnesty International and Africa Watch 
have reported many cases of abuse. 

The NLC, which ousted Nkrumah in 1966, used authoritar- 
ian tactics against real and imagined adversaries. The Busia 
government, which followed the NLC, also employed harsh 
measures against its opponents. Beginning in 1972 when 
Acheampong seized power, respect for the state and its institu- 
tions and laws withered, a development that in turn caused an 



298 



President Jerry John 
Rawlings, on an official 
visit to Washington in 
March 1995, discussed 
Ghana's role in 
international peacekeeping, 
regional stability in West 
Africa, trade, and mutual 
cooperation with President 
William J. Clinton. 
Courtesy The White House 




increase in human rights violations. In 1979 Jerry Rawlings 
sought to redress this situation by launching an army mutiny, 
which led to several executions, including those of three 
former heads of state. 

Following a second coup on December 31, 1981, Rawlings 
promised to put power in the hands of the people by revolu- 
tionizing the country's political and economic system. To 
achieve this goal, Rawlings suspended the constitution, banned 
political parties, and arrested numerous party leaders. On Feb- 
ruary 18, 1983, the Rawlings government promulgated PNDC 
Law 42, the Provisional National Defence Council (Establish- 
ment) Proclamation (Supplementary and Consequential Provi- 
sions) Law, which was retroactive to December 31, 1981. 
According to Amnesty International, this law gave the PNDC 
and its chairman, Rawlings, "wide and apparently arbitrary 
power over the citizens of Ghana." Additionally, Amnesty Inter- 
national voiced concern about the establishment of public tri- 
bunals to try political criminals, the detention without trial of 
suspected government opponents, the imprisonment after an 
unfair trial of such people, reports of arbitrary killings by 
armed forces personnel, and the beating and ill treatment of 
political opponents and criminals by armed forces personnel. 

Since the late 1980s, Ghana has continued to experience 
human rights problems. These include restrictions on such 



299 



Ghana: A Country Study 

basic rights as freedom of speech, freedom of the press, free- 
dom of religion, and freedom of assembly; the right of citizens 
to change their government; and due process of law. In June 

1989, Ghanaian authorities established regulations for register- 
ing all religious organizations, froze the assets of four 
churches, and expelled expatriate missionaries who were Jeho- 
vah's Witnesses or Mormons. Additionally, the PNDC detained 
the president and the secretary general of the Ghana Bar Asso- 
ciation without charge for more than a week after the associa- 
tion announced its intention to hold a conference 
commemorating the 1982 murder of three judges by soldiers. 
After the association canceled its plans, the government 
released the president and the secretary general. 

Ghanaian authorities also arrested numerous American citi- 
zens who belonged to a religious group known as the Black 
Hebrews and held them without charge for lengthy periods. In 
September 1989, the Ministry of Defence ordered the impris- 
onment of Major Courage Quarshigah and four others for 
"their alleged involvement in activities which could have com- 
promised the security of the state," that is, for having attempted 
a coup. Eventually, the government detained another group of 
five people in connection with the so-called Quarshigah Affair. 
By the end of 1989, there were about 200 political detainees 
and prisoners. The government failed to respond to appeals by 
Amnesty International to investigate reported mistreatment of 
these detainees and prisoners. 

Significant restrictions on personal freedoms continued in 

1990. Summary arrests and detention without formal charges 
were also numerous. Additionally, Lebanese and other resident 
foreign businessmen were jailed and held without formal 
charges and without benefit of trial. In August 1990, authorities 
charged the chairman and other officials of the Movement for 
Freedom and Justice, a political group that advocated greater 
respect for human rights and democratization, with conspiracy 
and publication of a false statement regarding their detention. 
The movement's officials later retracted their charge of illegal 
detention and apologized to the government. 

According to Africa Watch, the Ghanaian government in 
1991 continued to hold at least seventy-six political prisoners 
and other detainees. In a radio interview on May 31, 1991, Sec- 
retary for Foreign Affairs Obed Asamoah claimed that some of 
these detainees were subversives. If they were brought to trial, 
Asamoah added, they would be convicted and executed. In late 



300 



National Security 



1991, the PNDC arrested several opposition leaders for criticiz- 
ing the Rawlings regime. Human-rights advocates also reported 
various examples of mistreatment of prisoners, such as keeping 
them in isolation for long periods and in dark, small cells with- 
out clothes or bedding. During political demonstrations, the 
police were often accused of using excessive force against anti- 
government elements. 

With the introduction of the 1992 constitution, observers 
hoped that Ghana's human rights record would improve 
because the new constitution contains a system of checks and 
balances, it guarantees basic human rights and freedoms, and 
it provides for an autonomous organization called the Commis- 
sion on Human Rights and Administrative Justice. This com- 
mission, established in September 1993, is empowered to 
investigate alleged human rights violations, and it may take 
action to remedy proven abuses. 

When the commission uncovers a human rights violation, it 
can seek resolution through negotiation, report the incident to 
the attorney general or auditor general, or institute proceed- 
ings. As of late 1994, the commission had received some 2,500 
complaints and petitions from Ghanaians with human rights 
grievances against present and past governments, of which 
about 1,000 had been dealt with. 

Another prominent human rights organization is the Ghana 
Committee on Human and People's Rights. Established in 
early 1991 specifically to watch for and to publicize violations of 
basic freedoms, it was credited with contributing to an 
improved human rights climate in the early 1990s. 

Military Trends 

Like many African militaries, the Ghanaian armed forces are 
in a state of transition. In the past, the military was an impor- 
tant instrument of state power, the purposes of which were to 
defend the country's national security, to suppress domestic 
dissidents, and, when necessary, to assume the reins of govern- 
ment. In the 1990s, growing popular demands for a better 
material life, for democratization, and for respect for human 
rights are slowly changing the nature of Ghana's military estab- 
lishment. 

After seizing power in 1981, the Rawlings regime assigned a 
high priority to economic development, and it downplayed the 
necessity for a large, traditional military. As part of an interna- 
tional financial and economic aid program, the World Bank 



301 



Ghana: A Country Study 

and the IMF forced Ghana to keep its military budget low. For 
this reason, there have been no major weapons purchases for at 
least a decade, and many of Ghana's more sophisticated weap- 
ons systems have fallen into disrepair. By the late 1980s, it had 
also become evident that most Ghanaians favored a multiparty, 
rather than a military, form of government and that they 
opposed the use of the armed forces as an instrument to 
silence political debate. 

These trends are likely to continue for the foreseeable 
future. By the beginning of the twenty-first century, additional 
budget cuts doubtless will have further reduced the size of the 
Ghanaian armed forces. Moreover, the government will be 
increasingly unwilling or unable to finance the high costs of 
acquiring, operating, and maintaining advanced weapons. 

Despite the inevitable downsizing of the Ghanaian military 
establishment, Accra undoubtedly will maintain and perhaps 
will increase its commitment to international peacekeeping 
forces. Ghana also is likely to support efforts to persuade the 
Organization of African Unity to take up the role of peace- 
keeper on the African continent. The success of Ghana's future 
participation in peacekeeping operations will depend on the 
ability of its armed forces to adapt to highly demanding service 
in far-off countries. 

* * * 

Historically, the Ghanaian armed forces have played a signif- 
icant role in the life of the country. As a result, there is abun- 
dant literature about the growth and the development of the 
Ghanaian military. Useful historical works include Henry 
Brackenbury's The Ashanti War: A Narrative, Mary Alice Hodg- 
son's The Siege ofKumassi, Alan Lloyd's The Drums of Kumasi: The 
Story of the Ashanti Wars, and Frederick Myatt's The Golden Stool: 
An Account of the Ashanti War of 1900. 

The best account of the military during the colonial period 
is The History of the Royal West African Frontier Force by A. Hay- 
wood and F.A.S. Clarke. Other important studies of this era 
include Hugh Charles Clifford's The Gold Coast Regiment in the 
East African Campaign and Sir Charles Prestwood Lucas's The 
Gold Coast and the War. 

The postindependence evolution of the Ghanaian armed 
forces is examined in Simon Baynham's The Military and Politics 
in Nkrumah's Ghana, Robert Pickney's Ghana under Military 



302 



National Security 



Rule, 1966-1969, Albert Kwesi Ocran's Politics of the Sword: A Per- 
sonal Memoir on Military Involvement in Ghana and of Problems of 
Military Government, and Politicians and Soldiers in Ghana, 1966- 
1972, edited by Dennis Austin and Robin Luckham. 

Material about Ghana's military is also available in a variety 
of periodical sources, including West Africa, African Defence Jour- 
nal, Africa Research Bulletin, and Africa Confidential. Other useful 
publications include New African, Africa Events, and The Journal 
of Modern African Studies. Two International Institute for Strate- 
gic Studies annuals, The Military Balance and Strategic Survey, are 
essential for anyone wishing to understand the evolution of 
Ghana's security forces. The same is true of three other annu- 
als: Africa Contemporary Record, Africa South of the Sahara, and 
World Armaments and Disarmament. The last is published by the 
Stockholm International Peace Research Institute. (For further 
information and complete citations, see Bibliography.) 



303 



Appendix 



Table 

1 Metric Conversion Coefficients and Factors 

2 Population Distribution by Region, 1960, 1970, and 1984 

3 Population Density, Growth Rate, and Rural-Urban Distri- 

bution by Region, 1970-84 

4 Medical and Paramedical Personnel in Government Insti- 

tutions by Region, 1989 

5 Enrollment and Gender Breakdown by Education Level, 

Selected Academic Years, 1980-81 to 1990-91 

6 Gross Domestic Product (GDP) at Market Prices, Selected 

Years, 1986-92 

7 Gross Domestic Product (GDP) by Sector, 1983 and 1991 

8 External Debt, Selected Years, 1986-92 

9 Public Finance, Selected Years, 1988-94 

10 Balance of Payments, Selected Years, 1986-94 

11 Major Political Parties and Military Regimes, 1897-1994 

12 Voting Patterns in the District Assembly Elections by Re- 

gion, 1988-89 



305 



Appendix 



Table 1. Metric Conversion Coefficients and Factors 

When you know Multiply by To find 



Millimeters 


0.04 


inches 




0.39 


inches 


Meters 


3.3 


feet 


Kilometers 


0.62 


miles 


Hectares (10.000 2 ) 


2.47 


acres 


Square kilometers 


0.39 


square miles 


Cubic meters 


35.3 


cubic feet 




0.26 


gallons 


Kilograms 


2.2 


pounds 


Metric tons 


0.98 


long tons 




1.1 


short tons 




2,204 


pounds 


Degrees Celsius (Centigrade) 


1.8 


degrees Fahrenheit 



and add 32 



Table 2. Population Distribution by Region, 1960, 1970, and 1984 

(in thousands) 



Region 1960 1970 1984 



Ashanti 1,109.1 1,481.7 2,090.1 

Brong-Ahafo 587.9 766.5 1,206.6 

Central 751.4 890.1 1,142.3 

Eastern 777.3 1,209.8 1,680.9 

Greater Accra 491.8 2 903.4 1,431.1 

Northern 531.6 727.6 1,164.6 

Upper East 3 542.9 772.7 

Upper West 757.3 3 319.9 438. J 

Volta 1,094.2 947.3 1,211.9 

Western 626.2 770.1 1,157.8 

TOTAL 6,726.8 8,559.3 12,296.0 



1 Latest available data. Ghana's 1994 population is estimated at 17.2 million, but no regional breakdown is 
available. 

2 Represents only Accra administrative area. The rest of what is now Greater Accra Region was part of East- 
ern Region in 1960. 

3 In 1960 Upper East and Upper West regions were combined in Upper Region. 

Source: Based on information from Ghana, Monthly Economic Bulletin, Accra, 3, May 

1970, 2; Ghana, Statistical Service, Quarterly Digest of Statistics, Accra, December 
1991, Table 95; and United States, Central Intelligence Agency, The World Fact- 
book, Washington, 1994, 151. 



307 



Ghana: A Country Study 



Table 3. Population Density, Growth Rate, and Rural-Urban 
Distribution by Region, 1970-84 



Region 


4 

Area 


Population 
Density 1 


Growth 
Rate 2 - 


Population 
Distribution 3 


1970 


1984 


Rural 


Urban 




24 389 


61 


86 


2 


5 


67.5 


32.5 




39,557 


19 


31 


3 


3 


73.4 


26.6 


Central 


9,826 


91 


116 


1 


8 


71.2 


28.8 


Eastern 


19,323 


63 


87 


2 


4 


72.3 


27.7 


Greater Accra 


3,245 


278 


441 


3 


3 


17.0 


83.0 


Northern 


70,384 


10 


17 


3 


4 


74.8 


25.2 


Upper East 


8,842 


61 


87 


2 


6 


87.1 


12.9 


Upper West 


18,476 


17 


24 


2 


3 


89.1 


10.9 


Volta 


20,570 


46 


59 


1 


8 


79.5 


20.5 


Western 


23.921 


32 


48 


3 





77.4 


22.6 


GHANA 


238,533 


36 


52 


2 


6 


68.0 


32.0 



1 Persons per square kilometer. 

2 Average annual compound rate for 1970-84 period, in percentages. 

3 In percentages, for 1984; towns with 5,000 or more inhabitants. 

4 In square kilometers. 



Source: Based on information from Ghana, Statistical Service, Quarterly Digest of Statis- 
tics, Accra, December 1991, Tables 94, 95, and 96. 



308 



Appendix 



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309 



Ghana: A Country Study 



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311 



Ghana: A Country Study 



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312 



Appendix 



Table 6. Gross Domestic Product ( GDP) at Market Prices, Selected 
Years, 1986-92 1 

1986 1988 1990 1992 



Total GDP (in billions of cedis) 2 



At current prices 


511 


1,051 


2,032 


3,009 




713 


787 


854 


934 


Real change (in percentages) 


5.1 


5.5 


3.3 


3.9 


In billions of United States dollars 


4.62 


5.11 


5.55 


6.06 


er capita GDP (in thousands of cedis) 










At current prices 


38.8 


74.8 


135.5 


188.5 


At constant 1987 prices 


54.2 


56.0 


56.9 


58.5 


Real change (in percentages) 


1.7 


2.2 


0.0 


0.9 


In United States dollars 


352 


364 


369 


380 



Latest available data. 

For value of the cedi — see Glossary. 



Source: Based on information from Ghana, Statistical Service, Quarterly Digest of Statis- 
tics, Accra, December 1991, Table 87; and Economist Intelligence Unit, Coun- 
try Profile: Ghana, 1994-95, London, 1994, 16. 



313 



Ghana: A Country Study 



Table 7. Gross Domestic Product (GDP) by Sector, 1983 and 1991 

1983 1991 
Sector Value 2 Percentage Value 2 Percentage 



Agriculture 





92 047 


50.0 


873 403 


33 Q 


Cocoa production and 










marketing 


10,227 


5.6 


244,602 


9.5 




5,609 


3.0 


99,986 


3.9 




2,044 


1.1 


33.942 


1.3 


Total agriculture 


109,927 


59.7 


1,252,024 


48.6 


TnHii«ti*v 










Mining and (quarrying 


1 944 


1.1 


45,587 


1.8 




7,101 


3.9 


225,078 


8.7 


Electricity and water 


358 


0.2 


51,950 


2.0 


Construction 


2.796 


1.5 


89.195 


3.5 


Total industry 


12,199 


6.6 


411,811 


16.0 


Services 










Transportation and 




4.2 






communications 


7,663 




114,688 


4.5 




43,120 


23.4 


442,787 


17.2 


Finance and insurance 


3,311 


1.8 


107,391 


4.2 


Government and other 


8.670 


4.7 


243.456 


9.4 


Total services 


62,764 


34.1 


908,322 


35.3 


Less imputed bank service 










charges 


-2,259 


-1.2 


-35,461 


-1.4 


Import duties 


1,407 


0.8 


38,077 


1.5 


GDP at market prices 


184,038 


100.0 


2,574,774 


100.0 



Figures may not add to totals because of rounding. 

At current prices, in millions of cedis (for value of the cedi — see Glossary) . 



Source: Based on information from Ghana, Statistical Service, Quarterly Digest of Statis- 
tics, Accra, 1987, Table 74; and Economist Intelligence Unit, Country Profile: 
Ghana, 1994-95, London, 1994, 15. 



314 



Appendix 



Table 8. External Debt, Selected Years, 1986-92 1 
(in millions of United States dollars) 

1986 1988 1990 1992 



External debt 

Long-term 

Short-term 

IMF credit 2 

Total external debt 

Public disbursed debt 

Official creditors 

Private creditors 

Total public disbursed debt 

Debt service 

Principal 

Interest 

Total debt service 

Figures may not add to totals because of rounding. 
IMF — see Glossary. 



1,754 


2,214 


2,705 


3,131 


187 


72 


312 


404 


786 


762 


745 


740 


2,726 


3,048 


3,761 


4,275 


1,464 


1,892 


2,483 


2,894 


252 


290 


189 


202 


1,716 


2,182 


2,672 


3,096 


112 


424 


250 


185 


111 


128 


105 


115 


223 


552 


356 


300 



Source: Based on information from Economist Intelligence Unit, Country Profile: 
Ghana, 1994-95, London, 1994, 34. 



Table 9. Public Finance, Selected Years, 1988-94 
(in millions of cedisj i 





1988 


1990 


1992 


1994 


Revenue 


153,791 


267,347 


400,000 


1,078,069 




-111,004 


-198,193 


-283,000 


-742,376 


Balance 


42,787 


69,154 


117,000 


335,693 


Development expenditure 


-32,893 


-56,280 


-157,000 


-174,200 


Net lending 2 


-5,983 


-9,487 


n^ 3 


-93,457 


Overall balance 


3,911 


3,387 


n.a. 


68,036 


Financing 










Domestic 


-6,166 


-27,977 


n.a. 


-151,813 


External 


2,255 


24,590 


n.a. 


83,777 



For value of the cedi — see Glossary. 

Net loans, advances, and investment in public boards, corporations, and companies, 
n.a. — not available. 



Source: Based on information from Ghana, Statistical Service, Quarterly Digest of Statis- 
tics, Accra, December 1991, Table 33; and Economist Intelligence Unit, Coun- 
try Profile: Ghana, 1994-95, London, 1994, 28. 



315 



Ghana: A Country Study 



Table 10. Balance of Payments, Selected Years, 1986-94 
(in millions of United States dollars) 





1986 


1988 


1990 


1992 


1994 2 


Merchandise exports 


773 


881 


891 


986 


1,246 


Merchandise imports 


-713 


-993 


-1,199 


-1,457 


-1,760 


Trade balance 


61 


-112 


-308 


-470 


-514 


Exports of services 


45 


78 


93 


129 


n.a. 3 


Imports of services 


-344 


-400 


-429 


-505 


n.a. 


Net private transfers 


72 


172 


202 


255 


n.a. 


Net official transfers 


123 


196 


214 


214 


n.a. 


Current account balance 


-43 


-66 


-228 


-378 


-190 




4 


5 


15 


22 


n.a. 


Other capital 


59 


204 


310 


299 


n.a. 


Capital account balance 


63 


209 


325 


321 


n.a. 



1 Figures may not add to totals because of rounding. 

2 Estimated. 

3 n.a. — not available. 



Source: Based on information from Economist Intelligence Unit, Country Profile: 
Ghana, 1993-94, London, 1993, 32; Economist Intelligence Unit, Country 
Report: Ghana [London], No. 3, 1994, 6; and Economist Intelligence Unit, 
Country Profile: Ghana, 1994-95, London, 1994, 32. 



316 



Appendix 



Table 11. Major Political Parties and Military Regimes, 1897-1994 



Period 



Description 



1897-1 920s British West Africa Aborigine Rights Protection Society. Founded by small 

urban elite to protect property rights from British encroachment. Became 
limited vehicle for later tribal leader protest as well. 

1920s National Congress of British West Africa. Regional educated elites' first effort 

to influence British to provide some elected voice for Africans. 

1947-55 United Gold Coast Convention (UGCC). Postwar movement of educated 

Africans demanding a voice in government. Brought Kwame Nkrumah back 
from Britain as its secretary. 

1949-66 Convention People's Party (CPP) . Founded by Nkrumah. Served as main 

force for independence, then as his vehicle to power and rule. Governing 
party, 1957-66. Abolished after 1966 coup. 

1954- 56 National Liberation Movement (NLM). Conservative, federalist opposition 

to CPP in crucial 1956 election. Largely Asante-based. Joined United Party 
(UP). 

1955- 1 960s United Party (UP) . Led by Kofi A Busia. Unified NLM and other CPP oppo- 

nents as CPP's primary opposition. Gradually crushed by government. 

1966-70 National Liberation Council (NLC) . Name adopted by army and police lead- 

ers of coup that overthrew Nkrumah. Dedicated to return to democratic 
civilian rule. 

1969-72 Progress Party (PP) . Led by Busia and consisting of former UP supporters. 

Won 1969 election. Lost support of people and army through efforts to 
impose order on country's economy. 

National Alliance of Liberals (NAL). Led by KA Gbedemah and consisting 
of other followers of CPP's right wing. Defeated by PP in 1969. Joined others 
in opposi don Justice Party (JP). 

1972-75 National Redemption Council (NRC). Name adopted by Lieutenant Colonel 

Ignatius K Acheampong and associates after overthrow of Busia govern- 
ment. Ruled country without civilian input, with soldiers assigned to every 
organization. 

1975-79 Supreme Military Council (SMC). Created by Acheampong out of the NRC. 

After ouster of Acheampong in 1978, began steps toward civilian rule, calling 
for elections in June 1979. On eve of elections, overthrown byjunior officers 
of Armed Forces Revolutionary Council (AFRC) . 

1978-81 People's National Party (PNP). Created t$> contest 1979 elecdon. Attracted 

former NAL members and others. Chose Hilla Limann as its candidate and 
won election by slim majority. 

Popular Front Party (PFP). Party of former Busia supporters. Formed opposi- 
tion in new parliament. 

1979 Armed Forces Revolutionary Council (AFRC). Name adopted by Flight Lieu- 

tenant Jerry Rawlings and associates after Ghana's first violent coup. Without 
concrete platform except to punish corruption. Withdrew in favor of elected 
Limann government after four months in power. 

1982-92 Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC) . Composed of leaders of Raw- 

lings's second coup. With considerable evolution of personnel and objec- 
tives, continued until 1992 to be sole center of political power in Ghana. 

1992-94 National Democratic Congress (NDC) , National Independence Party (NIP) , 

New Patriotic Party (NPP), People's Heritage Party (PHP), and People's 
National Convention (PNC) were major parties organized to contest 1992 
presidential election. NDC party of Rawlings and PNDC; NPP largely Asante- 
based, nominated Adu Boahen; NIP, PHP, and PNC all Nkrumahists. NDC 



317 



Ghana: A Country Study 



Table 11. Major Political Parties and Military Regimes, 1897-1994 



Period 


Description 


1992-94 


elected, formed first government under Fourth Republic; remaining parties 




formed opposition. In 1993 NIP and PHP formed (new) People's Conven- 




tion Party (PCP). 



Table 12. Voting Patterns in the District Assembly Elections by Region, 

1988-89 



Region 


District 


Candidates 


Registered 
Voters 


Votes Cast 


Percentage 
Turnout 




18 


2,211 


950,222 


577,735 


60.8 


Brong-Ahafo 


13 


1,629 


650,143 


391,489 


60.2 


Central 


12 


1,421 


549,564 


307,668 


56.0 


Eastern 


15 


1,825 


744,160 


452,449 


60.8 


Greater Accra 


5 


693 


792,012 


350,861 


44.3 


Northern 


13 


1,471 


508,560 


308,191 


60.6 


Upper East 


6 


822 


358,174 


222,068 


62.0 


Upper West 


5 


458 


212,192 


143,017 


67.4 


Volta 


12 


1,343 


568,590 


334,445 


58.6 


Western 


11 


969 


589,221 


328,479 


55.3 


GHANA 


110 


12,842 


5,922,838 


3,416,402 


58.9 



Source: Based on information from Ghana, Local Government Information Digest, Special 
Editions I and II, Nos. 4-5, Accra, 1989. 



9 



318 



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Chapter 5 

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341 



Ghana: A Country Study 



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[Stockholm].) 



"V: 



349 



Glossary 



asafo — Traditional warrior organization of the Akan and other 
coastal peoples of southern Ghana, originating in the early 
seventeenth century or earlier. Traditionally, the asafo 
served as an independent outlet for popular dissatisfac- 
tion, and they had a voice in the enthronement (enstool- 
ment) and dethronement (destoolment) of chiefs. Among 
other tasks, the asafo performed police and militia duties, 
collected tribute, and built roads. People's Defence Com- 
mittees and Committees for the Defence of the Revolution 
of the Provisional National Defence Council era were 
inspired in part by the asafo tradition. 

Asante/Ashanti — Terms used interchangeably to refer to what 
are probably the best-known people and state among the 
Akan. Asante is the original Akan term. Ashanti, according 
to popular accounts, is a corruption that originated early 
in the colonial period. Although Asante is now preferred, 
Ashanti remains in use in contemporary Ghana, for exam- 
ple, Ashanti Region. 

cedi (pi. cedis; £ or c) — Ghanaian unit of currency, composed 
of 100 pesewas. Introduced after independence by Kwame 
Nkrumah, it has undergone several devaluations, includ- 
ing one that proved politically unpopular in December 
1971. In 1982 the value of the cedi was US$1.00 = 2.75 
cedis. In October 1983, the Provisional National Defence 
Council further devalued the cedi, which produced an 
exchange rate of US$1.00 = 90 cedis in March 1986. Begin- 
ning in September 1986, the cedi was freed to float against 
other currencies, which yielded an exchange rate of 
US$1.00 = 326 cedis by 1990 and US$1.00 = 1,040 cedis by 
late 1994. 

clan — A group whose members are descended in the male line 
from a putative common male ancestor (patrician) or in 
the female line from a putative common female ancestor 
(matriclan). Clans may be divided into subclans organized 
on the same principle or into lineages (q. v.) believed to be 
linked by descent from a common ancestor less remote 
than the founding ancestor of the clan. 

fiscal year (FY) — An annual period established for accounting 
purposes. In Ghana, the government's fiscal year is the 



351 



Ghana: A Country Study 

same as the calendar year. 

Global 2000 — Program founded and chaired by Jimmy Carter, 
former president of the United States, to deliver agricul- 
tural assistance to farmers in the developing world. Pro- 
vides improved seedlings, financial assistance, and 
extension services, and has as its goal the attainment of 
agricultural self-sufficiency in participating countries. 
Ghana became a member country in the mid-1980s. 

gross domestic product (GDP) — A measure of the total value of 
goods and services produced by the domestic economy 
during a given period, usually one year. Obtained by add- 
ing the value contributed by each sector of the economy in 
the form of profits, compensation to employees, and 
depreciation (consumption of capital). The income aris- 
ing from investments and possessions owned abroad is not 
included, hence the use of the word domestic to distinguish 
GDP from gross national product (q.v.). 

gross national product (GNP) — Total market value of all final 
goods and services produced by an economy during a year. 
Obtained by adding the gross domestic product {q.v.) and 
the income received from abroad by residents minus pay- 
ments remitted abroad to nonresidents. 

International Monetary Fund (IMF) — Established on July 22, 
1944, the IMF began operating along with the World Bank 
(q.v.) on December 27, 1945. The IMF is a specialized 
agency affiliated with the United Nations that takes 
responsibility for stabilizing international exchange rates 
and payments. The IMF's main business is the provision of 
loans to its members when they experience balance-of-pay- 
ments difficulties. These loans often carry conditions that 
require substantial internal economic adjustments by the 
recipients. 

lineage — A group whose members are descended through 
males from a common male ancestor (patrilineage) or 
through females from a common female ancestor (matri- 
lineage). Such descent can in principle be traced. Lin- 
eages vary in genealogical depth from the lineage ancestor 
to living generations; the more extensive ones often are 
internally segmented. A lineage is generally a branch of a 
clan (q.v.). 

matriclan — A group of men and women who are descended in 

the female line from a putative common female ancestor, 
matrilineage — A group of male and female descendants of a 



352 



Glossary 



female ancestor, each of whom is related to the common 
ancestor through female forebears. 

patrician — A group of men and women who are descended in 
the male line from a putative common male ancestor. 

patrilineage — A group of male and female descendants of a 
male ancestor, each of whom is related to the common 
ancestor through male forebears. 

Shia (also Shiite, from Shiat Ali, the Party of Ali) — A member 
of the smaller of the two great divisions of Islam. In the 
mid-seventh century, the Shia supported the hereditary 
claim of Ali, the Prophet Muhammad's cousin and son-in- 
law, and of his descendants to presumptive right to the 
Islamic caliphate and leadership of the Muslim commu- 
nity. On this issue, they divided from the Sunnis, the larger 
of the two great divisions of Islam. 

World Bank — Informal name used to designate a group of four 
affiliated international institutions: the International Bank 
for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD) , the Interna- 
tional Development Association (IDA), the International 
Finance Corporation (IFC) , and the Multilateral Invest- 
ment Guarantee Agency (MIGA). The IBRD, established 
in 1945, has the primary purpose of providing loans to 
developing countries for productive projects. The IDA, a 
legally separate loan fund administered by the staff of the 
IBRD, was set up in 1960 to furnish credits to the poorest 
developing countries on much easier terms than those of 
conventional IBRD loans. The IFC, founded in 1956, sup- 
plements the activities of the IBRD through loans and 
assistance specifically designed to encourage the growth of 
productive private enterprises in the less developed coun- 
tries. The MIGA, founded in 1988, insures private foreign 
investment in developing countries against various non- 
commercial risks. The president and certain senior offi- 
cers of the IBRD hold the same positions in the IFC. The 
four institutions are owned by the governments of the 
countries that subscribe their capital. To participate in the 
World Bank group, member states must first belong to the 
International Monetary Fund (IMF — q.u). 



353 



Index 



Abacha, Sani, 243 

Aborigines' Rights Protection Society, 24 
Abu, Katharine, 99 

Accelerated Development Plan for Edu- 
cation, 95, 118-20, 123 

Accra, 14, 224; airport at, 183; as capital, 
17; rioting in, 26; water for, 72 

Accra Plains, 63-64; agriculture of, 63- 
64; topography of, 63 

Accra Police College, 293 

Accra Turf Club, 99 

Acheampong, Ignatius Kutu, 41-42, 147, 
154; executed, 47, 51, 273; forced to 
resign, 45, 272 

Acheampong government. See National 
Redemption Council; Supreme Mili- 
tary Council 

Achimota College, 22 

Achimota School, 118 

acquired immune deficiency syndrome 
(AIDS), 62, 114-15; awareness pro- 
gram, 115; number of cases of, 114, 
115; surveillance systems for, 115 

Ada people, 81,88 

Adamafio, Tawia: jailed, 35, 37; opposi- 
tion of, to Nkrumah, 35; trial of, 35- 
36 

Adangbe people, 81 

Addo, Edward Akufo, 38 

Adjei, Ako: jailed, 35, 37; trial of, 35-36 

Administration of Estate (Amendment) 

Law (1986), 84 
Advanced Level education, 120 
Afadjato, Mount, 63, 68 
Afram Plains, 69 
Afram River, 67, 70, 71 
AFRC. See Armed Forces Revolutionary 

Council 

Africa Must Urate (Nkrumah) , 33 
African Airways Corporation, 183 
African Company of Merchants, 11; dis- 
solved, 13-14; Gold Coast controlled 
by, 14; treaty of, with Asante, 13 
African Fund, 244 

African Methodist Episcopal Church, 



104 

African National Congress, 244 
African Timber and Plywood, 167 
Africa Watch, 298, 300 
Afrifa, A.A.: in Busia government, 38; in 

coup of 1966, 36, 270; executed, 47, 

51, 273 

agricultural development, 159 
Agricultural Development Corporation, 
147 

Agricultural Produce Marketing Board, 
147 

agricultural production, xxxii, 140, 158 

agricultural products {see also under indi- 
vidual crops) , 6; bananas, 6; cacao {see 
also cocoa), xxxi, 21, 134, 158, 159; 
cassava, 6; coffee, 68, 159; commercial 
crops, 162-64; cotton, 162-64; food 
crops, 164-65; kenaf, 162; kola nuts, 
133, 158; palm, 64, 158, 159, 162; rice, 
68; rubber, 162; smuggling of, xxxii, 
40, 44, 135; sorghum, 6; sugar, 162; 
timber, 158, 159; tobacco, 162 

agriculture, 158-68; in the Accra Plains, 
63-64; in Akwapim-Togo Ranges, 68; 
in Ashanti Uplands, 68; Cuban sup- 
port for, 250; employment in, 158; 
government budget for, 145-46, 159; 
in the high plains, 70; investment in, 
186; irrigation in, 64, 71; liberalization 
of, 164-65; as percentage of export 
earnings, 158; as percentage of gross 
domestic product, 139, 158; subsidies 
for, 160; under Supreme Military 
Council, xxxii; taxes on, 149; in Volta 
Delta, 64 

Ahanta people, 81 

AIDS. See acquired immune deficiency 

syndrome 
Airborne School, 286 
air force: aircraft of, 277, 286, 289-90; 

bases, 277, 287; creation of, 268, 289; 

foreign assistance to, 280; insignia, 

282; number of personnel, 257, 277; 

problems in, 181; ranks, 282; training, 



355 



Ghana: A Country Study 



280-81, 283, 289; uniforms, 282 
Air Force Station, 286 
Air Force Trade Training School, 289 
airports, 183, 278 
Akan language, 79, 81 
Akan Lowlands, 63, 64-67; topography 

of, 67 

Akan people, 83-85; chiefs of, 84-85; 
conflicts among, 85; ethnic groups of, 
7, 83; families in, 83-84; geographical 
distribution of, xxix, 83; influences 
on, 83; inheritance among, 84; migra- 
tion of, 6, 83; political system of, 83, 
84; religion of, 107-8; religious festi- 
vals of, 103-4; slave trade by, 8-9; 
socialization of children by, 92; social 
organization of, 83-84; stool of, 84; 
women, 100 

Akan states, 6 

Akenten, Oti, 7, 262 

Akosombo Accord (1994), 237 

Akosombo Dam, xxxii, 68, 176, 178, 238; 
construction of, 34, 71, 176; reloca- 
tion for, 71 

Akuafo Check System, 160 

Akuffo, Frederick W.K., 45, 272; exe- 
cuted, 47, 51, 273 

Akufo-Addo, Edward, 26 

Akwamu people, 81, 83, 89 

Akwapim language, 82 

Akwapim people, 81; conflict of, with 
other ethnic groups, 260; religion of, 
104 

Akwapim-Togo Ranges, 63, 68; climate 

of, 68; ethnic groups in, 89 
Akyem people, 81, 83 
aluminum industry, 176 
Al Yaqubi, 5 

Amnesty International, 221, 298, 299 
Anglican Church, 104 
Anglo people, 85 

Ankobra River, 67, 70, 71; navigation on, 

70, 182-38 
Ankra, JA.: in coup of 1966, 36, 270 
Anlo people. See Anglo people 
Annan, Daniel F, 53-54 
Anokye, 7 

Anum-Boso people, 86 
Appiah, Joseph, 38 
archaeological research, 5, 69, 89 
Arden-Clarke, Sir Charles, 28, 30 
area councils, 225, 227 



armed forces, xxxvi; Africanization of, 
268-69, 278, 286; and black market, 
260, 274, 282; British officers in, 268- 
69, 283; under British rule, 261; cor- 
ruption in, 260; deployment of, 277; 
educational qualification for, 279; 
growth of, 262; history of, 262-66; 
materiel of, 269, 277, 286, 289-90, 
302; missions of, xxxvi, 229, 257, 268, 
271, 277; morale, 281-82; under 
Nkrumah, 262; number of personnel 
in, 257, 277, 279; organization of, 277; 
peacekeeping role of, xxxvi, xxxix, 
257-58, 302; political organs of, 199; 
political role of, xxxvi; purged, 46-47, 
273, 282; term of service in, 279; train- 
ing, 279; uniforms, ranks, and insignia 
of, 282; women in, 279 

Armed Forces Revolutionary Council 
(AFRC) (1979), 46-47, 195; formed, 
46, 273; objectives of, 195; political 
repression by, 201; support for, 47 

Armed Forces Training School, 279, 286 

army: deployment of, 237; development 
of, 268-70; field exercises, 280; insig- 
nia, 282; joint exercises, 280; number 
of personnel in, 257, 277; organiza- 
tion of, 277; ranks, 282; training of, 
279-80; uniforms, 282 

Army Staff College at Camberley, 279 

asafo. See men's associations 

Asamoah, Obed, 239, 300 

Asante confederacy, 79; expansion of, 
262-63 

Asante (Ashanti) empire, xxx, 7-8; 
armed forces of, 261, 263; British inva- 
sion of, 15-16, 263, 264; as British col- 
ony, 16, 17; and Europeans, 13; 
expansion of, xxx, 7-8, 260; influence 
of, 7; slave trade by, 8-9, 263; trade 
through, xxx, 133; treaties of, with 
Europeans, 13, 14, 16, 264 

Asante (Ashanti) language, 82 

Asante (Ashanti) people, 17, 81, 89; 
criminal justice system of, 294; ethnic 
group of, 7, 83; Muslim influence on, 
7; opposition of, to British-style gov- 
ernment, 29; political parties of, 29, 
38; relations of, with British, 14; rela- 
tions of, with Fante, 263 

Asante (Ashanti) wars, 12-15, 257, 263- 
66; British intervention in, 13-14, 260 



356 



Index 



Ashanti. See Asante 

Ashanti Goldfields Corporation, 21, 
169; earnings of, 188; expansion of, 
170; nationalized, 147; privatized, 153, 
172; production by, 170 

Ashanti Mines Volunteers, 267 

Ashanti Region, 224; administrative dis- 
tricts in, 227; agriculture in, 160; AIDS 
in, 115; elections of 1992 in, 214; min- 
ing in, 170; political affiliations in, 38; 
religion in, 104; representation of, in 
Legislative council, 26; urbanization 
in, 76 

Ashanti Uplands, 63, 67-68, 69; agricul- 
ture in, 68; forests in, 68; and the 
Kwahu Plateau, 67-68; mining in, 68; 
missionaries in, 67; rivers in, 68; south- 
ern, 67, 68; temperatures in, 67 

Association of Committees for the 
Defence of the Revolution, 234 

associations (see also under individual types 
of associations) , 98-99 

Attah-Ahoma, S.R.B., 25 

Audit Service, 222 

Ave people, 85 

Awoonor-Williams, R.A., 26 

Ayanfuri mine, 172 

Ayensu River, 72 

Babangida, Ibrahim, 242 

balance of payments, 188-89 

balance of trade, 188-89 

banking, 150, 151-53; assets and liabili- 
ties of, 189; laws, 151; reforms, 146 

Bank of Ghana, 77, 152, 188; interest 
rates of, 151, 152 

banks (see also Bank of Ghana): commer- 
cial, 152; deposits in, 152; discount 
houses, 152; foreign, 153; interest 
rates of, 151, 152; loans by, 152; losses 
by, 151-52; merchant, 152; privatiza- 
tion of, 148; rural, 77, 152; secondary, 
152 

Baptist Church, 105 

Barclays Bank of Ghana, 152 

Basic Certificate of Education Examina- 
tion, 122, 124 

Battle of Amoafo, 265 

bauxite, 176; export of, 137, 141; pro- 
duction, 136, 168 

Be people. SeeBey people 



Benin: electricity exported to, 178; Ewe 

people in, 85 
Bey people, 85 
Billiton Bogoso mine, 172 
Birim River, 67, 68, 70 
Birim River Basin: mining in, 173 
birth control. See family planning 
Black Hebrews, 300 

black market, 26, 141, 145, 154, 195; par- 
ticipation by soldiers in, 260, 274, 282; 
as percentage of gross domestic prod- 
uct, 154; as percentage of trade, 141 

Black Star Line: job cuts in, 156 

Black Volta River, 71 

Boahen, Adu, 206-7, 209; in election of 
1992, 212 

Bolgatanga, 224 

Bond of 1844, 15, 16 

Bono (Brong) people, 81, 83; political 
affiliations of, 38 

Bonsa Tire Company, 162 

Bonsa Valley, 67 

Bonte mining company, 172 

Border Guards, 292 

border problems: with Togo, 239 

borders, 62; under British rule, 17; with 
Burkina Faso, 62; with Cote d'lvoire, 
62, 67, 240; along Gulf of Guinea, 62; 
with Togo, 62, 239 

Botchwey, Kwesi, 50, 52, 187 

Botsio, Kojo: in Convention People's 
Party, 27 

Botswana: state visit to, 245 

Brazil: materiel from, 277 

Britain: abolition movement in, 12-13, 
263; aid from, 176, 246; Elmina Castle 
purchased by, 15; invasion of Asante 
by, 15-16, 260, 264; materiel from, 
277; military assistance from, 280, 282, 
283-86; military exercises with, 286; 
military training provided by, 278, 
280; protection by, 15; relations of, 
with Asante, 13, 14, 263-64; relations 
with, 244, 245-46, 276; slave trade by, 
9; trade with, 143; trading companies, 
11; treaties of, with chiefs, 14-15; 
treaty of, with Asante (1831) , 16, 264 

Britannia Royal Naval College at Dart- 
mouth, 283 

British Joint Services Training Mission, 
281 

British rule, xxx, 16-24; administration 



357 



Ghana: A Country Study 



under, 17-21; armed forces under, 
261-62, 266-68; borders under, 17; 
capital under, 17; chiefs under, xxx- 
xxxi; economic development under, 
21-24; education under, 22, 117; elite 
under, xxx-xxxi, 94; Executive Coun- 
cil under, xxx-xxxi, 18-19; founda- 
tions of, 13; indirect rule by, xxx-xxxi, 
19-20, 94; influences of, 83, 93-94, 
217, 222; judicial powers under, 16, 
20; legal system under, 20; Legislative 
Council under, xxx-xxxi, 18-19; min- 
ing under, 169; opposition to, 27, 257, 
261, 267; police under, 94, 290; postal 
service under, 21; prison system 
under, 22, 294, 296; social develop- 
ment under, 21-24; state enterprises 
under, 146-47; taxes under, 117; tele- 
communications under, 21; transpor- 
tation under, 21 
British traders, xxx, 133, 264; of slaves, 
xxx, 9 

Brong-Ahafo Region, 224; agriculture in, 
160; elections of 1992 in, 214 

Brong people. See Bono people 

budget deficit. See government budget 
deficit 

Bui dam, 178 

Builsa people, 87 

Bulgaria: relations with, 249 

Bureau of African Affairs, 287, 288; intel- 
ligence section, 288 

Bureau for Technical Assistance, 269-70 

Burkina Faso: border with, 62; electricity 
exported to, 178; health care profes- 
sionals in, 113; military exercises with, 
241, 280; relations with, 237, 240-42 

Burns constitution. See constitution of 
1946 

bush fires ? 139, 161 

Busia, Kofi Abrefa: exile of, 33; as head 
of Progress Party, 37-38; overthrown, 
40, 153-54; as prime minister, 38 

Busia government. See Second Republic 

business: taxes on, 149 



cacao {see also cocoa): introduction of, 

xxxi, 21, 134 
Cade, EA., 169 

Cambodia: peacekeeping mission in, 
237, 252, 257, 260, 293 



Campaign for Democracy in Ghana, 202; 

established, 260-61 
Campaore, Blaise, 241 
Canada: assistance from, 187, 249; joint 

ventures with, 172; materiel from, 286; 

military training by, 280, 286; relations 

with, 249, 276; state visit to, 249 
Canadian Armed Forces Training Team, 

286 

Cape Coast, 64, 224 

Carter, Jimmy, 70, 247 

Carter Center: election monitors from, 

215, 246 
Casely-Hayford, Joseph E., 24-25 
cassava, 6 

Catholic Bishops Conference (CBC), 

105, 203, 204, 205; and return to 

democracy, 204 
Catholicism, Roman, 104; percentage of 

followers in population, 102, 103 
Catholic missions. See missions 
CBC. See Catholic Bishops Conference 
CCG. See Christian Council of Ghana 
CDRs. See Committees for the Defence of 

the Revolution 
cedi. See currency 

census: of 1960, 73; of 1970, 73; of 1984, 
73, 77 

Central Region, 224; agriculture in, 160; 
mining in, 170; religion in, 104 

Central Togo people, 89-90; education 
of, 90; inheritance among, 89; occupa- 
tions of, 89; religion of, 89 

Chalker, Lynda, 246 

Chazan, Naomi, 46, 47, 80 

chiefs {see also National House of 
Chiefs), 61; adjudication for, 220; 
Akan, 84-85; authority of, 93; under 
British rule, xxx-xxxi; under constitu- 
tion of 1957, 32; under constitution of 
1992, 206; in district assemblies, 55; 
Ewe, 85; and families, 93; indirect rule 
by, 19-20, 94; in legislative assembly, 
15, 25, 29; political participation by, 
199; political role of, 224; and Rawl- 
ings, 216; regional houses of, 203, 204, 
205-6, 220, 230; relations of, with 
intellectuals, 25, 95; relations of, with 
subjects, 94; religious role of, 107-8; 
and return to democracy, 204; selec- 
tion of, 19, 93, 196; slave trade by, 11- 
12; treaties of, with Britain, 14-15; vil- 



358 



Index 



lage councils of, 19, 20, 32, 220 

Chieftaincy Act of 1971, 220 

Chieftaincy Secretariat, 222 

children: child care for, 62, 126; health 
of, 111; immunization for, 112, 114; 
nutritional programs for, 62, 74; pre- 
ferred number of, 77, 78, 99-100; 
rights of, 219; socialization of, 92, 98, 
117; urban, 98 

China, People's Republic of: education 
in, 250; joint ventures with, 172; mili- 
tary advisers from, 288; military assis- 
tance from, 283, 288-89; relations 
with, 249, 289; trade with, 143 

Christian Council of Ghana (CCG), 104- 
5, 203, 204, 205; and return to democ- 
racy, 204 

Christianity {see also under individual 
denominations): conversion to, 104, 
264; distribution of, 81, 89, 104; holi- 
days of, 103-4; influence of, 82, 93, 94; 
involvement of, in politics, 105; per- 
centage of followers in population, 
102, 103; syncretic, 108 

Christian Messenger, 222 

Christian Methodist Church, 105 

Christian missions. See missions; mission- 
aries 

churches {see also under individual denomi- 
nations) : regulation of, 108-9 
Citizens' Vetting Committees (CVCs), 50 
civil aviation, 183 

Civil Defence Organisation, 199-200 
civil service, 222; Convention People's 
Party control of, 34; inefficiency of, 
43; job cuts in, 145, 155, 156-57, 222; 
jobs in, 155; pay in, 158; staffing of, 
222; union for, 222 
clans, 61; of Akan people, xxix, 83 
climate, 61, 72-73; of Akwapim-Togo 
Ranges, 68; drought, 72-73; humidity, 
72; rainfall, 69-70, 72-73; tempera- 
ture, 72, 73 
Clinton, William J., xxxix 
cocoa {see also cacao), 160-61; area 
planted in, 161; dependence on, xxx- 
vii, 40, 145; earnings of, 188; export 
of, xxix, xxxii, xxxiii, xxxvii, 40, 134, 
138, 141, 147; as percentage of gross 
domestic product, 139, 146; planta- 
tions, 160-61; prices, 135, 139, 141, 
161; privatized, 161; production of, 



xxix, xxxii, xxxiii, 45, 51, 67, 68, 89, 

132, 135-36, 137, 158, 159, 160, 161; 

productivity of, 161; smuggling of, 

xxxii, 40, 135 
Cocoa Marketing Board {see also Ghana 

Cocoa Board), 159-60; created, 21; 

dissolved, 160; incompetence of, 40; 

role of, 160; subsidies for, 160 
Cocobod. See Ghana Cocoa Board 
coffee, 68, 146, 147, 159 
Cold War, 4 

Commission on Human Rights and 
Administrative Justice, 230, 235, 301 

Committee of Experts, 223 

Committee of Experts (Constitution) 
Law (1991), 223 

Committee of Secretaries, 197-99 

Committees for the Defence of the Revo- 
lution (CDRs), 50, 199, 216, 250, 278; 
functions of, 199; opposition to, 203; 
training of, 287-88 

Common Entrance Examination, 120 

Commonwealth Conference (1964), 245 

Commonwealth Inter-Parliamentary 
Union, 246 

Commonwealth of Nations: election 
monitors from, 215, 246; membership 
in, 243, 245-46, 251 

Commonwealth Parliament Association, 
246 

communications. See telecommunica- 
tions 

Congo region: slave trade from, 8-9 

Consolidated African Selection Trust: 
nationalized, 147 

Consolidated Discount House, 152 

constitution of 1925, 25 

constitution of 1946, 25-26 

constitution of 1951, 28 

constitution of 1954, 29 

constitution of 1957, 30; amendments 
to, 32; chiefs under, 32 

constitution of 1960, xxxi, 220; amend- 
ments to, xxxi, 33-34 

constitution of 1969: draft of, 37; lan- 
guage under, 82; opposition to, 38 

constitution of 1979, 220; suspended, 
274, 299 

constitution of 1992, 217-27; censorship 
under, 223; checks and balances in, 
217, 301; chiefs under, 206; civil ser- 
vice under, 222; draft of, 210; execu- 



359 



Ghana: A Country Study 



tive under, 217; government reform 
under, 197, 219; judiciary under, 217, 
220; legislature under, 217; media 
under, 219, 223-24; model for, 217; 
promulgated, 217; referendum on, 
210-11; rights in, 219 

construction: investment in, 186; as per- 
centage of gross domestic product, 
139; taxes on, 149 

Consultative Assembly on the Constitu- 
tion (1992), 82 

consumer goods, 144; prices for, 157, 
189 

Continental Acceptances (bank), 152 

Convention People's Party (CPP), xxxi, 
234, 268; control of government by, 
34; in elections of 1956, 30; formed, 
xxxi, 27; leaders of, 27; platform of, 
27, 29, 118; positive action campaign, 
28; as sole party, 33, 34, 36 

corruption, 149-50, 295; in armed 
forces, 260; in government, xxxii, 202, 
272, 276; among party leaders, 4; in 
politics, 195 

Cote d'lvoire: AIDS in, 115; border with, 
62, 67; competition by, 40; dissidents 
in, 238, 240; electricity exported to, 
178; migrations to, 83; relations with, 
237-40; smuggling into, xxxii, 44, 141; 
violence in, 240 

cotton, 162-64 

Council of State: under constitution of 
1992, 217 

coups d'etat {see also under revolution) , 
xxxvi; in Nigeria, 242; of 1966, xxxii, 
4, 36, 135, 194, 257, 270; of 1972, 40, 
41-42, 43, 154, 194, 271; of 1978, 272; 
of 1979, 193, 194, 195, 273; of 1981, 
xxxiii, 48, 49, 51, 136, 193, 194, 195, 

273- 74, 299 

coups d'etat, attempted, 202, 203, 274; of 
1967, 270; of 1968, 270; of 1979, 46; of 
1982, 49, 274; of 1983, 238, 274; of 
1985, 274; of 1986, 274; of 1989, 209, 

274- 76, 300; in Togo, 258 

courts: of appeals, 217, 220, 295; under 
British rule, 16; hierarchy of, 217, 220; 
inferior, 220, 230, 295-96; jurisdiction 
of, 217, 219-20; procedures, 295; 
structure of, 219-20, 295; traditional, 
220; trials in, 295; tribunals, xxxiii, 50, 
51, 220, 221, 230-31, 295-96, 299 



Courts Act of 1971,219-20 
Courts Act of 1993, 230 
Coussey Committee, 27, 28 
CPP. See Convention People's Party 
Crabbe, Cofie: jailed, 35, 37; trial of, 35- 
36 

crime, 155 

Criminal Code, 221, 294-96; categories 
in, 294, 295; traditional laws in, 294 

criminal justice system {see also courts; 
judiciary; prisons), 219, 293-98; 
under British rule, 20, 294; customary, 
20; revisions of, 146; parole in, 298; 
traditional, 293-94 

Criminal Procedure Code of 1960, 295, 
297 

Croatia: peacekeeping missions in, xxx- 
viii, 257 

Cuba: economic cooperation with, 250; 
education in, 249-50; relations with, 
249; trade with, 143 

currency {see also monetary policy; 
money supply), 150, 153-55; on black 
market, 154; depreciation of, xxxvi, 
151; devaluation of, 53, 131, 135, 137, 
140, 141, 144, 145, 154, 176, 189; over- 
valuation of, xxxii, 153-54, 165, 168, 
175; revaluation of, 43 

current account deficit, 137, 188 

Curtin, Philip, 12 

Customary Marriage and Divorce (Regis- 
tration) Law (1986), 84 
CVCs. See Citizens' Vetting Committees 

Dadzie, Kenneth, 252 

Dagbane language, 82 

Dagomba kingdom, xxix, xxx; founded, 
6; influences on, xxix, 7 

Dagomba people, xxix, 79-80, 87; cul- 
ture of, 88; inheritance among, 101 

Dahomean people, 89 

Daily Graphic, 222 

Daka River, 71 

Danquah, J.B., 26, 33, 209; death of, 33 
Darko, Kwabena: in election of 1992, 212 
De Beers of South Africa, 173 
debt servicing: ratio, 137, 140 
defense spending: decrease in, 271, 301- 

2; under Nkrumah, 276 
democracy, return to, xxxiv-xxxvi, 193, 

196, 200-203, 208-11, 230-35; interest 



360 



Index 



groups in, 204; prospects for, 252-53; 
seminars on, 209; timetable for, 210 
Democratic Youth League of Ghana, 200 
demonstrations. See political demonstra- 
tions 
Denkyira, 83, 262 

Denmark: and the Asante empire, 13; 
slave trade by, xxx, 9, 12; trade by, xxx, 
11 

Densu River, 67, 70, 72 

Department of Social Welfare and Com- 
munity Development, 220 

Department III, Military Intelligence, 
269-70 

deportation: under Armed Forces Revo- 
lutionary Council, 201; under Busia 
government, 39; of Liberians, 259; 
under Rawlings, 49, 259; return from, 
52, 199 

Deportation Act (1957), 32; justification 
of, 34 

Detention Act. See Preventive Detention 
Act 

development committees, 224 

diamonds, 173; exports of, 51, 137, 141; 
production of, 67, 136, 168; reserves 
of, 173; smuggling of, 173 

Diamond Shamrock, 174 

district assemblies, 53-57; candidates for, 
54-55; chiefs in, 55; elections for, 54, 
197, 206-8, 225, 232, 235, 246; estab- 
lishment of, 197, 224; justification of, 
56-57; members of, 55, 225; reaction 
to, 56; role of, 54, 208, 225 

District Assemblies Common Fund, 230 

District Assembly Committee, 54 

district councils, 225 

Divestiture Implementation Committee, 
148 

drainage: under British rule, 22; divide, 

70-71; improvements in, 22 
drought, 72-73, 136, 139, 161, 164, 176 
Dual Mandate in British Tropical Africa 

(Lugard), 94 
DuBois, W.E.B., 27, 244 
Du Sautoy, Peter, 196 
Dutch traders, 9-11, 133; and the Asante 

empire, 13; of slaves, 9 
Dutch West India Company, 1 1 
Dyula (Muslim traders), 6 
Dzobo, N.K., 124 
Dzobo Committee, 124 



Eagle Club, 210 

Eastern Europe, 4; relations with, 249 

Eastern Region, 224; agriculture in, 160; 
elections of 1992 in, 214 

East Germany. See German Democratic 
Republic 

EC. See European Community 

Ecobank Ghana, 152 

ECOMOG. See Economic Community of 
West African States Monitoring Group 

Economic Community of West African 
States (ECOWAS), 183; founded, 143; 
goals of, 143; membership in, 143, 
237, 242; peacekeeping missions of, 
258, 259-60, 302; Rawlings in, xxxviii, 
237, 239, 243 

Economic Community of West African 
States Monitoring Group (ECO- 
MOG): peacekeeping missions of, 
278, 281, 282, 302 

economic development: under British 
rule, 21-24; under Economic Recov- 
ery Program, 144; effects of, 94; priori- 
ties in, 42; problems with, 42 

economic infrastructure, 189 

economic instability: protests against, 26; 
after World War II, 24 

Economic Recovery Program (ERP), 
xxxiii, xxxvii, 52, 102, 136, 140, 144- 
46, 203, 229, 276; defense spending 
under, 301-2; education under, 124; 
exports under, 136; foreign debt 
under, 138, 140; goals of, 52-53, 136, 
144, 148; gross domestic product 
under, 139; impact of, 214; launched, 
144; phases of, 52-53, 144-45; prob- 
lems with, xxxvi-xxxvii; purpose of, 
144; results of, 189-90; trade under, 
140-41 

economy: under British rule, xxix; 

dependence of, on cocoa, xxxvii, 40, 

145; diversification of, 135; in First 

Republic, 134-35; growth of, 139, 189; 

market, 94, 131; problems in, 37; 

recovery of, 4; restructuring of, 131; 

role of government in, 131; structure 

of, 137-44 
ECOWAS. See Economic Community of 

West African States 
education {see also schools) , 117-126; 



361 



Ghana: A Country Study 



adult, 124-26; apprenticeship, 117; 
under British rule, xxix, 22, 117; com- 
pulsory, 61; Cuban support for, 250; 
demand for, 118; development of, 
118; distribution of, 81; effects of, 94; 
of elite, 81; by ethnic group, 90; fees 
for, xxxiii, 36, 118, 122, 123-24, 155; 
foreign, 123, 249-50; gender ratio in, 
101; government spending on, 22, 34, 
123, 137, 149; and migration, 96; pri- 
mary, 146; problems in, 123-24; 
reform, 95, 121-22, 124, 249-50; sec- 
ondary, 118; subsidies for, 122; system, 
22, 120-23; technical, 62; vocational, 
62, 118; Western, xxxi, 61, 94, 117; of 
women, 61-62, 101, 118, 121, 126 
Education Act of 1960, 61, 104, 120 
Efutu people, 86; religion of, 107-8 
elders, 92; religious role of, 107-8 
elections: candidates in, 54-55, 211-12, 

215, 235; for constitution of 1992, 211; 
for district assemblies, 54, 197, 206-8, 
225, 232, 235, 246; fraud charges in, 
xxxiv, 32; Ghanaian idea of, 196; for 
Legislative Assembly, 28, 29; for local 
office, 232, 235; of 1951, 28; of 1954, 
29; of 1956, 30; of 1960, 33; of 1965, 
36; of 1969, 37-38; of 1978, 45; of 
1979, 47, 195, 273; of 1988, xxxiv, 54, 
197, 206, 208, 246; of 1989, xxxiv, 208, 
246; of 1994, 235; for parliament, 195, 
197, 210, 214, 215-16, 217; for presi- 
dent, xxxiv, 195, 197, 210, 211-15, 

216, 246; turnout for, 208, 211, 216; 
for union government, 45; women in, 
215-16, 235 

elections of 1992, xxxiv, 194, 197, 210, 
211-15, 246; Boahen in, 212-14; boy- 
cott of, xxxiv, 214, 228; candidates in, 
211-12, 215; Erskine in, 212, 214; 
international monitoring of, 215, 246; 
investigations of, 214, 233: issues in, 
212; Limann in, 212, 214; for parlia- 
ment, 215-16; Rawlings in, xxxiv, 212, 

214, 216; in regions, 214; turnout for, 

215, 216 

Electricity Corporation of Ghana, 178 
electric power {see also hydroelectricity), 
178-79; under British rule, 147; capac- 
ity, 178; distribution of, 178; export of, 
141, 178, 238; grid, 77; production, 
178, 251; in rural areas, 62, 77, 117; 



thermal, 178-79, 251 

elite class, 96-98; background of, 96-98; 
under British rule, xxxi, 94; education 
of, 22; nationalism among, 24, 25; 
political participation by, 199; religion 
of, 108 

Elizabeth II, Queen, 245 

Elmina Castle, 9, 133; purchased by Brit- 
ain, 15 

employment, 156 

English language, 82; broadcasts in, 82, 
184; under constitution of 1969, 82; as 
language of instruction, 82, 118; as 
official language, 82, 83, 206; publica- 
tions in, 223 

ERR See Economic Recovery Program 

Erskine, Emmanuel, 212, 214 

Ethiopia: relations with, 249 

ethnic associations, 96 

ethnic groups {see also under individual 
groups), xxix; distinctions among, 81, 
267; fighting among, 75, 79, 234, 260; 
geographic distribution of, 81, 241; 
identification with, 81; migration of, 3, 
5; rivalries among, 79-80, 85, 235, 282; 
solidarity among, 79 

ethnicity, 260 

Europe, Eastern: trade with, 143-44 
European Community (EC): aid from, 

187; relations with, 249; trade with, 

143 

Evangelical Lutheran Church, 105 
Evangelical Presbyterian Church, 104 
Every Ghanaian Living Everywhere 
Party: in Progressive Alliance, 215, 230 
Ewe language, 79, 81, 82, 85, 86 
Ewe people, 8, 9, 30, 81, 85-86, 89, 297; 
chiefs of, 85; conflict of, with other 
ethnic groups, 260; ethnic groups of, 
85; geographic distribution of, 85, 
238; inheritance among, 101; migra- 
tion of, 85; political affiliations of, 38; 
political organization of, 85-86; politi- 
cal power of, 201, 207, 271; religion 
of, 107; trade by, 86; women, 86 
Ewusi, Thomas, 12 
exchange rate, 154 
Exclusive Economic Zone, 167 
executive branch {see also president), 217 
Executive Council, 28, 272 
Expanded Program on Immunization, 
112 



362 



Index 



exports {see also under individual prod- 
ucts), 61, 137, 141; of bauxite, 137, 
141; of cocoa, xxix, xxxii, xxxiii, xxx- 
vii, 40, 51, 134, 138, 141, 147; of cof- 
fee, 147; under colonial rule, 146; of 
crops, 162; destinations of, 143; of dia- 
monds, 51, 137, 141; diversification of, 
138-39, 142; earnings from, 136, 158; 
under Economic Recovery Program, 
136, 144; of electricity, 141, 178, 238; 
of gold, xxix, xxxvii, 5, 21, 67, 132, 
133, 137, 141; of ivory, 133; of kola 
nuts, 133, 141; of manganese, 137, 
173; of minerals, xxix, xxxiii, 137, 138, 
141, 173; of natural resources, 21-22; 
of palm oil, 146, 147; promotion of, 
145; of slaves, 9, 12-13; under struc- 
tural adjustment program, 131; of tim- 
ber, xxix, xxxiii, xxxvii, 21, 51, 132, 
138, 141, 165, 166; value of, 143 

external debt, 184, 187 

Eyadema, Gnassingbe, 238; coup 
attempt against, 258; opposition to, 
259 



families: and chiefs, 93; elders of, 92, 
107-8; head of, 91; inheritance in, 92; 
land of, 92; preferred size of, 77, 78, 
99-100; religious role of, 107-8; rural, 
77; socialization in, 92; urban, 77, 98 

families, extended, 62, 90-92; of Akan 
people, 83-84, 90-91; economic assis- 
tance from, 115-16; members of, 90, 
91; and modernization, 95; in urban 
areas, 96 

family planning, 62, 77-79, 126; educa- 
tion in, 78; and men, 79; practice of, 
79; publicity for, 78 

Fante language, 82 

Fante people, 8, 9, 81, 83; in Asante wars, 
13-14, 263; conflict of, with other eth- 
nic groups, 260; relations of, with 
Asante, 263; religion of, 104; treaty of, 
with British, 15 

Fante-Twi language, 82 

farmers, 26, 87; Nkrumah's appeal for, 
27-28; organizations of, 200; protests 
by, 34-35 

FEden Church, 105 

Finland: materiel from, 277 

First Finance Company, 152 



First Republic (1960-66) (Nkrumah gov- 
ernment): armed forces under, 257, 
262, 276; corruption in, 202; declared, 
30; domestic policies of, xxxi; econ- 
omy under, 134-35; problems in, 194- 
95; socialism under, 257 

Fisheries Commission, 230 

Fisheries Monitoring, Control, Surveil- 
lance, and Enforcement Unit, 168 

fishing, 72, 100, 167-68; catch, 167; in 
Accra Plains, 64; by Ga-Adangbe peo- 
ple, 89; poaching, 167; problems in, 
167; restrictions on, 132, 167-68; in 
Volta Delta, 64 

Fitzgerald, Shepler W., 268 

food: aid, 247; crops, 164-65; import of, 
159, 164; as percentage of gross 
domestic product, 146; prices, 140; 
production, 44, 67, 140, 145, 159, 164; 
shortages, 159; subsidies for, 43 

Forces' Defence Committees, 199 

foreign assistance {see also military assis- 
tance), 52, 137, 184, 186-87; for agri- 
culture, 165; from Britain, 176, 246; 
from Canada, 187, 249; dependence 
on, 150; from European Community, 
187; from France, 249; from Germany, 
187, 249; from International Mone- 
tary Fund, 131, 187-88; for industry, 
177; from Japan, 187, 250, 251; lack of, 
44; from Libya, 247; under Rawlings, 
52; from the United States, 78, 176, 
187, 235, 247; from the World Bank, 
52, 131, 146, 176, 187 

foreign borrowing, xxxii, 144; to finance 
imports, 137 

foreign currency, 40; reserves, xxix, xxxii 

foreign debt, xxxiii, xxxvii, 132, 140, 
187-88; under Busia government, 40, 
135; cancellation of, 140; under Eco- 
nomic Recovery Program, 138, 144; 
under Fourth Republic, 52; as per- 
centage of gross domestic product, 40; 
as percentage of gross national prod- 
uct, 137; repudiation of, 43; resched- 
uling of, 43 

foreign earnings, 150 

foreign exchange: bureaus, 145, 154-55; 
earnings, 153, 165; under Economic 
Recovery Program, 144; interbank 
market, 141; lack of, 44; reforms, 145; 
reserves, 188-89 



363 



Ghana: A Country Study 



foreign investment {see also investment), 
xxxiv, 137, 184, 187-88; in agriculture, 
186; in construction, 186; encourage- 
ment of, 186; in industry, 177, 186; in 
mining, 137, 168, 169; in tourism, 186 

foreign relations, 235-52; armed forces 
and, 268; objectives of, 235-37 

Forest Products Inspection Bureau, 165 

Forest Resource Management Project, 
166 

forestry {see also timber), 165-67; con- 
straints on, 166-67; earnings from, 
165; as percentage of gross domestic 
product, 165; problems in, 166; prod- 
ucts, 166; scandals in, 167 

Forestry Commission, 230 

forests {see also timber): in Akwapim- 
Togo Ranges, 68; in Ashanti Uplands, 
68; deforestation of, 132, 166 

forest zone, xxix; central, 7; gold in, xxx; 
migration to, 6 

Fourth Republic (1993- ), 48, 194, 197; 
armed forces' role in, xxxvi; chal- 
lenges for, 228; continuity in, 229-30; 
goals of, 229; inauguration of, xxxiv, 
201, 210, 227-30; nonalignment 
under, 236; opposition to, xxxiv- 
xxxvi, 53; paramilitary groups under, 
234; press under, 224; relations of, 
with opposition, 229, 234; revolution- 
ary organs under, xxxiii, xxxiv, 50, 56, 
199, 203, 216, 224, 234, 250, 278, 287- 
88; structural adjustment under, xxxiv; 
unions under, 204 

Frafra people, 87 

France: aid from, 249; colonial ambi- 
tions of, 17; relations with, 249 

French language: broadcasts in, 184 

Friends of Busia and Danquah, 210 

Friends of the Earth, 167 

fuel {see also petroleum): imports of, 137, 
141; shortages of, 167; taxes on, 150 



GA. See Ghana Airways 
Ga-Adangbe language, 79, 81, 88 
Ga-Adangbe people, 8, 81, 88-89; ethnic 
components of, 88; geographic distri- 
bution of, 88; influences on, 89; occu- 
pations of, 89; origins of, 89; religious 
festivals of, 103-4, 107-8 
Ga language, 82 



Ga-Mashie people, 88 
Gambaga Scarp, 69 

Ga people, 9, 81, 297; in Asante wars, 
13-14; conflict of, with other ethnic 
groups, 260; socialization of children 
by, 92 

gas, natural: exploration for, 67 
GBA. See Ghana Bar Association 
Gbedemah, Komla A.: in Convention 

People's Party, 27; as head of National 

Alliance of Liberals, 37-38 
Gbugble people, 88 
GDP. See gross domestic product 
Gen people, 85 

geographical regions, 63-70, 224; 
administration of, 227; Akwapim-Togo 
Ranges, 68; Ashanti Uplands, 67-68; 
high plains, 69-70; low plains, 63-67; 
Volta Basin, 69 

German Democratic Republic (East Ger- 
many): military assistance from, 283, 
288 

Germany: aid from, 187, 249; colonial 
ambitions of, 17; relations with, 249; 
trade with, 143 
Ghana: etymology of, 5 
Ghana Airways (GA), 183, 277 
Ghana Atomic Energy Commission, 179 
Ghana Bar Association (GBA), 99, 203, 
209, 221; objectives of, 205; opposition 
of, to Rawlings, 49, 53; and return to 
democracy, 204, 231 
Ghana Broadcasting Corporation, 507, 
232 

Ghana Cocoa Board (Cocobod) {see also 
Cocoa Marketing Board), 160, 188, 
222; job cuts in, 156; privatization by, 
161 

Ghana Commercial Bank, 152 
Ghana Committee on Human and Peo- 
ple's Rights, 235, 301 
Ghana Consolidated Diamonds, 148, 173 
Ghana Cotton Company, 164 
Ghana Cotton Development Board, 164 
Ghana Council of Churches, 109 
Ghana Democratic Movement, 202, 261 
Ghana Employers Association, 158 
Ghana Export Promotion Council, 143 
Ghana Federation of Agricultural Coop- 
eratives, 160 
Ghana-Guinea-Mali Union, 240-41, 243 
Ghana-Guinea Union, 243 



364 



Index 



Ghanaian Ahmadiyah Movement, 107 
Ghanaian Times, 222 
Ghana Investment Center, 177, 186 
Ghana Journalists Association, 203, 223 
Ghana Legion, 268 
Ghana Medical Association, 99, 113 
Ghana Military Academy, 271, 276, 279, 
286 

Ghana National Association of Farmers 

and Fishermen, 160 
Ghana National Association of Teachers, 

99 

Ghana National Manganese Corpora- 
tion, 174 

Ghana National Petroleum Corporation, 
174, 175 

Ghana National Trading Corporation, 
156 

Ghana Red Cross Society, 99 
Ghana Stock Exchange, 153 
Ghana Timber Marketing Board, 165 
Global 2000 program, 70, 75, 114, 247 
GNP. See gross national product 
gold {see also under mining), xxx, 6, 131, 
132, 133, 169-72; export of, xxix, xxx- 
vii, 5, 21, 67, 132, 133, 137, 141; mines, 
xxxi, 68, 168; prices, 133; production, 
xxix, 67, 132, 134, 136, 139, 168; 
reserves, 170-72; trade in, xxx, 5, 9, 
13, 133 

Gold Coast Armed Police Force, 290 
Gold Coast Colony, 17, 95; administra- 
tion of, 17-21; established, 16 
Gold Coast Constabulary, 290 
Gold Coast Ex-Servicemen's Union, 268 
Gold Coast Militia and Police, 290 
Gold Coast Mines Volunteers, 267 
Gold Coast Police Force, 290, 292; Afri- 
canized, 292 
Gold Coast Railway Volunteers, 267 
Gold Coast Regiment, 22, 266-67, 290 
Gold Coast Volunteer Naval Force, 278 
Gold Coast Volunteers, 267 
Goldenrae mining company, 172 
Golden Stool of Asante (Ashanti), 8, 266 
Gonja kingdom, xxix, xxx, 6; influences 

on, xxix, 7 
Gonja people, xxix, 79-80, 86, 89; cul- 
ture of, 88; occupations of, 87 
government (see also under individual 
administrations): under British rule, 
xxix; corruption in, xxxii, 202, 272, 



276; decentralization of, 193, 203, 219, 
224, 246; health care, 112; informants 
for, 261; and interest groups, 203-4; 
reform of, xxix, xxxiii, xxxiv, 197; role 
of, in economy, 131, 144-50 

government, local (see also under district 
assemblies), 219, 224-27; under British 
rule, 19, 20-21, 25-26; system of, 225 

government budget, 148-50; for agricul- 
ture, 145-46, 159; austerity, 34, 40, 43, 
137, 271; cuts, 131, 144; for infrastruc- 
ture, 146, 149; for 1961, 34-35; for 
1993, 149; as percentage of gross 
domestic product, 145; surplus, xxxvii; 
in Third Republic, 48 

government budget deficit, xxxvi, 150; 
efforts to limit, 148-49; under Eco- 
nomic Recovery Program, 144, 148- 
49; as percentage of gross domestic 
product, 145, 149; as percentage of 
gross national product, 48; reduced, 
131, 144 

government debt, 40; repudiation of, 43; 
rescheduling of, 43 

government revenue: as percentage of 
gross domestic product, 150; from 
taxes, 132, 136 

government spending: cuts, 144, 145; on 
education, 22, 34, 42, 123, 149; on 
health care, 34, 114, 137, 149; justifica- 
tion of, 34; on roads, 34; on social wel- 
fare, 149 

government, union, 44-45, 206, 272; 

opposition to, 45, 272; platform of, 45; 

referendum on, 45, 272 
Grant, A.G., 26 

Greater Accra Municipal Council, 112 

Greater Accra Region, 224; administra- 
tive districts in, 227; elections of 1992 
in, 214; population density in, 74; 
urbanization in, 76 

gross domestic product (GDP), 136, 
137-38, 139; under Economic Recov- 
ery Program, 139; under Rawlings, 
xxxvii, 51; per capita, 135 

gross domestic product fractions: agri- 
culture, 139, 158; black market, 154; 
budget deficit, 145, 149; cocoa, 139, 
146; construction, 139; expenditures, 
149; food, 146; forestry, 165; govern- 
ment debt, 40; government revenue, 
150; government services, 137; indus- 



365 



Ghana: A Country Study 



try, 139; manufacturing, 139, 175; ser- 
vice sector, 139; tax revenue, 136 

gross national product (GNP), xxxiii; 
budget deficit as percentage of, 48; 
debt as percentage of, 137 

Grusi language, 82, 83 

Grusi people, 81, 87 

Guan language, 79, 86 

Guan people, 86-87, 89 

Guggisberg, Frederick Gordon, 22, 110- 
11; development under, 22, 118 

Guinea: potential union with, 34 

Gulf of Guinea, 62, 70, 71 

Gur language, 61, 81, 81, 82, 87 

Gurma language, 82 

Gurma people, 81, 87 

harbors, xxxi, 22, 63, 181, 182 

Harlley, J.W.K.: in Busia government, 38; 
in coup of 1966, 36, 270 

Hausa Constabulary, 290 

Hausa language, 82; broadcasts in, 184 

Head of Family (Accountability) Law 
(1986), 84 

health, 109-115; and causes of death, 
111; of children, 111; and disease, 75, 
111-12; and malnutrition, 111, 114 

Health Action Plan, 112 

health care, xxxii, 111-14, 146; access to, 
114; Cuban support for, 250; fees for, 
xxxiii; government spending on, 34, 
114, 137, 149; herbal, 110; immuniza- 
tion, 112; providers, 112; in rural 
areas, 114; Western, 110 

health care professionals: herbalists, 110, 
117; priests as, 108, 109, 110; number 
of, 113-14; pay for, 158; training for, 
78,114 

health facilities: under British rule, 22; 
demand for, 74; improvements in, 22 

Henry the Navigator, Prince, 9 

High Court of Justice, 217, 220, 295 

high plains, 63, 69-70 

Hill, H. Worsley, 14-15 

holidays: national, 103-4, 232-33; reli- 
gious, 103-4 

Hong Kong: joint ventures with, 172 

Ho, 224 

Ho people, 85 

Horton, Africanus, Jr., 25 

housing: destroyed by floods, 64; short- 



ages, 62, 74, 116-17; in urban areas, 
62, 74, 116-17 
human rights, 219, 235, 298-301; abuses, 
xxxvi, 194, 201, 214, 216, 221, 298, 
299; under Acheampong, 298-99; 
under Busia government, 298; under 
Provisional National Defence Council, 
214 

hydroelectricity, 71, 178; under British 
rule, 22; improvements in, 22; poten- 
tial, 176, 178 



IDA. See International Development 
Association 

IMET. See International Military Educa- 
tion and Training 

IMF. See International Monetary Fund 

immunization, 112, 114 

imports, 134, 141-42, 189; borrowing 
for, 137, 145; duties on, 141; of food, 
43, 164; of fuel, 137, 141; subsidies for, 
43; taxes on, 149 

income {see also wages): distribution, 
xxxiv, 100; per capita, xxix, xxxii, 
xxxiii, 157 

independence, xxix, 33; approved, xxxi, 
30; requested, 30 

independence movements, xxxi; politics 
of, 26-30 

Independent African Churches: percent- 
age of followers in population, 102-3, 
108 

India: military advisers from, 283; mili- 
tary training by, 280 
indirect rule, xxx-xxxi, 19-20, 26, 94 
Industrial Development Corporation, 
147 

industry: closings in, 177; economic 
problems of, 44; financial assistance 
for, 177; as percentage of gross domes- 
tic product, 139; privatization in, 177; 
revived, 131 

inflation, xxxiii, xxxvi, xxxvii, 140, 168; 
attempts to reduce, 52, 144; under 
British rule, 26, 27; under Busia gov- 
ernment, 40; rate of, 52, 136, 136, 152; 
under Rawlings, 51, 52, 138; under 
structural adjustment program, 131- 
32; under Supreme Military Council, 
45; under Third Republic, 48; after 
World War II, 24 



366 



Index 



infrastructure, 166; budget for, 146, 149; 
improvements in, 22, 61, 144, 145, 
146; industrial, 131; transportation, 
165 

inheritance, 84, 89, 92, 100, 101 
Institute of Adult Education, 125 
intellectuals, 27; opposition of, to mili- 
tary government, 44; relations of, with 
chiefs, 25, 95 
intelligence: services, 269-70, 288; train- 
ing, 288 

interest groups, 203-6; and government, 
203-4; and Rawlings, 216 

Interim National Electoral Commission, 
210, 211, 215 

internal security: intelligence services, 
269-70, 288 

Intelsat. See International Telecommuni- 
cations Satellite Organization 

International Cocoa Agreement, 247 

International Development Association 
(IDA), 178, 187 

International Finance Corporation, 172 

International Foundation for Electoral 
Systems, 211 

International Military Education and 
Training (IMET) program, 289 

International Monetary Fund (IMF): 
assistance packages, 131, 187-88; aus- 
terity program of, xxxiii, 40, 131, 203, 
236, 276, 301-2; conditions imposed 
by, 148; loan from, 136, 140, 145 

International Telecommunications Sat- 
ellite Organization (Intelsat), 184 

Inter-Party Advisory Committee, 228 

Intestate Succession Law (1986), 84 

investment {see also foreign investment) , 
xxxiv, xxxvi, 186-87; in agriculture, 
186; in construction, 186; laws, 187; in 
manganese, 174; in manufacturing, 
186; and taxes, 186; in tourism, 186 

Iraq: peacekeeping mission in, 252, 257, 
260 

Iraq-Kuwait Observation Mission, 260 
irrigation: in Accra Plains, 64; from Lake 
Volta, 71 

Islam {see also Muslims) , 105-6; distribu- 
tion of, 86, 104; education of, 251; fes- 
tivals of, 103-4; introduction of, xxix- 
xxx; percentage of followers in popu- 
lation, 102, 103; ritual obligations of, 
106; sects of, 106; spread of, 106; 



tenets of, 105-6 
Islamism, 106 

Israel, 251; materiel from, 277; military 
advisers from, 283,289; military train- 
ing by, 280-81,289 

Italy: materiel from, 277; military train- 
ing by, 280-81, 289-90 

ivory, 9, 133 

Ivory Coast. See Cote d'lvoire 

Japan, 250-51; aid from, 187, 250, 251 

JCCs. See Joint Consultative Committees 

Jehovah's Witnesses, 300 

jobs, 132; civil service, 155, 156, 157, 222; 
creation of, 137, 146; elimination of, 
137, 145, 155, 156-57, 160, 222 

Joint Consultative Committees (JCCs), 
50 

Joint Services Training Team, 283 
Joint Social Action Committee, 205 
joint ventures, 148, 172, 177 
journalists, 223; detained, 44; Nkru- 

mah's appeal for, 28 
JP. See Justice Party 
judges: appointment of, 220 
Judicial Council of Ghana, 220, 231 
judiciary, xxxvi, 217, 219-21; jurisdiction 
of, 219-20; quasi-judicial agencies, 
220-21; structure of, 219-20 
June 4 Movement, 48, 56, 199, 200 
Justice Party (JP), 38; formed, 38; plat- 
form of, 39-40; support for, 38 

Kabesjohn, 12 
Kaiser Aluminum, 176 
Kasena language, 83 

Kasena people: government structure of, 

xxix, 7; Muslim influence on, xxix- 

xxx, 7 

Kaunda, Kenneth, 245 
kenaf, 162 
Kloli people, 81 

KNRG. See Kwame Nkrumah Revolution- 
ary Guards 
Koforidua, 67, 224 
kola nuts, 133, 141, 158 
Komfo Anokye Teaching Hospital, 114 
Konkomba people, 79-80 
Konkori Scarp, 69 
Konny.John, 12 



367 



Ghana: A Country Study 



Konongo, 68 

Koranteng-Addow, Gustav, 44 

Korea, Democratic People's Republic of 

(North Korea): relations with, 249 
Korle Bu teaching hospital, 111 
Korsah, Sir Arku, 36 
Kotei, J.EA., 277 

Kotoka, E.K: in coup of 1966, 36, 270 
Kotoka International Airport, 183 
Kpando people, 85 
Kpone people, 88 
Kpong hydroelectric plant, 178 
Kristo Asafo (Christian Women's Club), 
99 

Krobo people, 81, 88, 92 

Kumasi, xxx, 7, 68, 224, 262; airport at, 

183; rainfall in, 73 
Kumasi College of Technology, 123 
Kusase people, 87; government structure 

of, 7; Muslim influence on, 7 
Kuwait: peacekeeping mission in, 252, 

257, 260 

Kuwaiti Fund for Arab Economic Devel- 
opment, 251 
Kaw language, 61 

Kwahu people, 81; ethnic associations of, 
96 

Kwahu Plateau, 67-68, 69, 71; as climatic 
divide, 72; mutual aid societies in, 96; 
population density in, 74-75 

Kwa language group, 81 

Kwame Nkrumah Ideological Institute, 
287 

Kwame Nkrumah Memorial Park, 252 
Kwame Nkrumah Revolutionary Guards 

(KNRG),50, 197, 209, 261 
Kwame Nkrumah Welfare Society, 210 
Kwesikrom mine, 174 
Kyerepong people, 86 

labor force. See work force 
labor unions. See trade unions 
Lake Bosumtwi, 70, 72 
Lake Volta, 68, 69, 70, 183; irrigation 
from, 71 

land: area, 61, 63; of families, 92; tenure, 
24 

language {see also under individual lan- 
guages), 61; for broadcasts, 82, 184; 
diversity of, 82-83; of education, 82, 
118; official, 82, 83, 206; written, 82- 



83 

La people, 88 

Larteh people, 86 

Lazare Kaplan International, 173 

Leaf Development Company, 162 

Lebanon: immigrants from, 300; peace- 
keeping mission in, xxxviii, 257, 260 

legal system. See criminal justice system 

Legislative Assembly, 28; chiefs in, 15, 25, 
29; dissolved, 30; elections for, 28, 29 

Legislative Council, 25-26 

Liberia: civil war in, xxxviii, 242; Ghana- 
ians expelled from, 259; peacekeeping 
mission in, xxxviii, xxxix, 237, 242, 
257, 278, 281, 282; refugees from, 75, 
259; relations with, 258, 259-60 

Libya: financial aid from, 247; military 
assistance from, 290; relations with, 
247 

Likpe people, 81 

Limann, Hilla, 47, 48, 234; in election of 
1992, 212, 214; as president, 195, 273 

Limann government. See Third Republic 

lineage, 61; of Akan people, 83-84; stool 
of, 84; in urban areas, 98 

literacy, 89; programs, 124-25; rate, 125 

livestock, 164-65; in Accra Plains, 64; in 
high plains, 70; production, 166 

living standards, 62, 136, 214 

Logba people, 81 

Lolobi people, 81 

low plains, 63-67; agriculture in, 63-64; 

subregions of, 63; topography of, 63 
Lugard, Frederick: and indirect rule, 19, 

20, 94 



MacCarthy, Charles, 14, 264 

Machel, Samora, 244 

Maclean, George, 14, 264 

Madjitey, E.R.T., 292 

Mali, 6; empire, 106; potential union 

with, 34; trade with, 6 
Mamprusi kingdom, xxix, xxx; founded, 

6; influences on, xxix, 7 
Mamprusi people, xxix, 87; culture of, 

88 

Manchester Congress of 1945, 27 
Mande language, 82 

manganese, 173-74; earnings from, 174; 
export of, 137, 173; investment in, 
174; production, 136, 168, 173, 174; 



368 



Index 



reserves, 174 

manufacturing, 175-77; capacity utiliza- 
tion, 175; investment in, 186; local, 
132; as percentage of gross domestic 
product, 139, 175; production, xxxii, 
175-76; under Supreme Military 
Council, xxxii; taxes on, 149 

Marxism-Leninism, 197, 267 

mass organizations, 199-200 

materiel, 277, 302; air force, 277, 286, 
289-90; armed forces, 269, 277, 286, 
289-90, 302; from Brazil, 277; from 
Britain, 277, 286; from Canada, 286; 
from China, 288; from Finland, 277; 
from Israel, 277; from Italy, 289-90; 
from Libya, 290; maintenance of, 277; 
navy, 286; from the Soviet Union, 269, 
287; from Sweden, 277; from Switzer- 
land, 277 

media, 222-24; censorship of, 219, 223; 
under constitution of 1992, 219, 223- 
24; controversy over, 507 

Medium Term Agricultural Develop- 
ment Program 1991-2000, 159 

men: education of, 101; as family head, 
91; and family planning, 79; literacy 
of, 125; occupations of, 100; prisons 
for, 298; promiscuity of, 79; as tradi- 
tional leaders, 84 

Mennonite Church, 104 

men's associations, 93 

Mensah, J.H., 261 

Merchant Bank, 152 

merchant marine, 183 

merchants: British, xxx, 9, 133, 264; 
Dutch, 9-11, 13, 133; European, xxx, 
3, 8, 93, 95, 264; Muslim, 6, 11-12; 
Portuguese, xxx, 8-11, 133, 169 

Meridian Tobacco Company, 162 

Methodist Church, 104, 117 

middle class: under austerity program, 
40; Nkrumah's appeal for, 28; political 
affiliations in, 38 

Middle School Leaving Certificate Exam- 
ination, 98, 120, 122, 124 

migration: of ethnic groups, 3, 5, 83, 85, 
86; factors affecting, 96; southern, 76; 
urban. See urban migration 

military advisers: from China, 288; from 
India, 283; from Israel, 283, 289; from 
the Soviet Union, 269, 287 

Military Advisory Committee, 272 



military assistance, 282-90; from Britain, 
280, 282, 283-86; from Canada, 280, 
286; from China, 283, 288-89; from 
German Democratic Republic, 283, 
288; from India, 280; from Israel, 280- 
81; from Italy, 280; from Libya, 290; 
from Soviet Union, 283, 286-88 

military exercises: with Britain, 286; with 
Burkina Faso, 241; with United States, 
281 

Military Hospital, 286 

military officers: Africanization of corps 
of, 257; corruption of, 273; coups 
d'etat by, 270; difficulties for, 271; exe- 
cutions of, 273; term of service for, 
279; training of, 279 

military training, 279-81; by Britain, 281; 
by China, 288-89; by India, 289; by 
Israel, 289; by Italy, 280-81; by Libya, 
290; by Nigeria, 281; by Soviet Union, 
287; by United States, 289 

militia. See Civil Defence Organisation; 
People's Militia 

minerals: export of, xxix, 137, 138, 141, 
173; production of, xxix, 136, 168, 
173, 174 

Minerals and Mining Law (1986), 170 

Minerals Commission, 230 

mines, 169, 172; gold, xxxi, 68, 168 

mining, xxxiii, 51, 168-74; decline in, 
168, 169; of diamonds, 173; foreign 
investment in, 137, 168, 169; of gold, 
xxxi, 68, 169; legislation, 168; rejuve- 
nation of, 170 

Ministry of Defence, 286 

Ministry of Education, 124 

Ministry of Employment and Social Wel- 
fare, 298 

Ministry of Food and Agriculture, 167 
Ministry of Health, 110, 112, 113, 115 
Ministry of Labour and Social Welfare, 
116, 125 

Ministry of Mobilization and Social Wel- 
fare, 116 

missionaries: arrival of, 104; expelled, 

300; geographic distribution of, 67; 

hospitals of, 110; influence of, 82, 94; 

schools of, 67 
missions, Christian: health care by, 112; 

schools of, 22, 67, 104, 117 
modernization, 61, 90, 94; and women, 

101 



369 



Ghana: A Country Study 



Mole-Dagbane language, 79, 81, 82 
Mole-Dagbane people, 87-88; culture of, 

88; ethnic groups of, 87; influences 

on, xxix-xxx; political structure of, 87; 

religion of, 87-88 
monetary policy, 150-51 
money supply {see also currency), 150- 

51, 155 
Mormon missionaries, 300 
Mossi-Grunshi. See Mole-Dagbane 
Movement for Freedom and Justice, 300; 

formed, 209; platform of, 209 
Mozambique: financial aid to, 244; 

peacekeeping missions in, xxxviii 
Muhammad (the Prophet), 105 
Museveni, Yoweri, 245 
Muslim clerics: health care by, 110 
Muslim Representative Council, 106-7 
Muslims {see also Islam): hospitals of, 

110; influence of, xxix-xxx, 7, 82, 93; 

schools for, 107 
Muslim traders, 6; role of, 6-7; slave 

trade by, 11-12 
mutual assistance groups, 116 

NAL. See National Alliance of Liberals 
NAM. See Non-Aligned Movement 
Namibia: financial aid to, 244; state visit 
to, 245 

Nanumba people, 79-80, 87 
National Advisory Council on AIDS, 115 
National Alliance of Liberals (NAL) , 37- 
38 

National Catholic Secretariat, 105 
National Civil Defence Force. See Com- 
mittees for the Defence of the Revolu- 
tion 

National Commission for Democracy 
(NCD), 53-54, 197; mandate of, 54; 
report on democracy, 210 

National Commission on Civic Educa- 
tion, 230 

National Communications Commission, 
184 

National Congress of British West Africa, 
24-25 

National Consultative Assembly, 210 
National Council for Higher Education, 
230 

National Council on Women and Devel- 
opment (NCWD), 62, 101, 102, 125 



National Convention Party, xxxviii; in 
Progressive Alliance, 215, 230 

National Defence Committees (NDCs), 
50 

National Democratic Congress (NDC), 
228; in election of 1992, xxxiv, 212, 
215, 216; in Progressive Alliance, 230 

National Electoral Commission, 228, 
230, 235 

National House of Chiefs, 203, 204, 205- 
6, 214, 220; and return to democracy, 
204, 230; role of, 219 

national identification cards, 228, 234- 
35 

National Independence Party (NIP), 212 

nationalism, 24-26, 260, 267 

nationalization, 43, 147 

National Liberation Council (NLC) , 36, 
298; members of, 37 

National Liberation Council govern- 
ment (1966-69), 270-71; prison sys- 
tem under, 296 

National Liberation Movement (NLM) , 
29; platform of, 29 

National Liberation Movement for West- 
ern Togoland, 238, 258 

National Media Commission, 224, 230 

National Mobilisation Program, 199 

National Nuclear Research Institute, 179 

National Patriotic Front of Liberia, 259 

National Public Tribunal, 51, 221, 295, 
296, 299; creation of, xxxiv 

National Redemption Council (NRC) 
(1972-79) {see also Supreme Military 
Council), 42, 147, 271-72; corruption 
in, 272; human rights under, 298-99; 
members of, 271; platform of, 43; 
reorganized, 44 

national security, 202, 238 

national security agencies, 290-93; sur- 
veillance by, 200 

National Security Council: under consti- 
tution of 1992, 217 

National Union of Ghanaian Students 
(NUGS), 123, 203; members of, 205; 
opposition of, to Rawlings, 49; and 
return to democracy, 204; support of, 
for Rawlings, 205 

national unity, 193; problem of forging, 
36-37 

National Youth Organising Commis- 
sion, 199, 200 



370 



Index 



Native Administration Ordinance 

(1927), 20 
Native Authorities Ordinance (1935), 20 
Native Treasuries Ordinance (1939), 20 
natural resources: exports of, 21-22 
navy: Africanization of, 278; creation of, 
268; fleet of, 278, 286; insignia, 282; 
joint exercises, 281; materiel, 278; mil- 
itary advisers to, 278; mission of, 278; 
number of personnel in, 257, 278; 
organization of, 278; ranks, 282; train- 
ing, 281, 283; uniforms, 282 
NCD. See National Commission for 

Democracy 
NCWD. See National Council on Women 

and Development 
NDC. See National Democratic Congress 
NDCs. See National Defence Committees 
Ndebugre, John, 50 
Neo-Colonialism (Nkrumah), 33 
Netherlands (see also under Dutch) : slave 
trade by, xxx, 9, 12; trade by, xxx, 9-11 
New Democratic Movement, 261 
New Patriotic Party (NPP), xxxv-xxxvi; 
in election of 1992, 212, 233; litigious 
strategies of, 231-32; opposition strat- 
egies of, 228-29; platform of, 233-34; 
relations of, with government, 229, 
234 

Newspaper Licensing Law (1983), 223 
newspapers (see also journalists; media), 
xxxv, 222-23; banned, 44; political agi- 
tation by, 25, 28 
New Year School, 125 
Niger-Congo language group, 61 
Nigeria, 199; coup d'etat in, 242; educa- 
tion budget in, 123; expulsion of 
Ghanians from, 242; health care pro- 
fessionals in, 113; intelligence officers 
in, 288; military training by, 281; rela- 
tions with, 237, 242-43; trade with, 
143 

Ningo people, 88 

NIP. See National Independence Party 
Nkonya people, 81 

Nkrumah, Kwame, 131, 234, 236, 238; 
attempt to assassinate, 35, 269, 292; 
background of, 27; charisma of, 27- 
28; in Convention People's Party, xxxi, 
27; in elections of 1951, 28; in elec- 
tions of 1960, 33; goals of, xxxi, 32-34, 
95; jailed, 28; as leader of government 



business, 28-29; and Non-Aligned 
Movement, xxxi, 236; opposition to, 
34-36, 37, 261; overthrown, xxxii, 4, 
36, 135, 257; and Pan-Africanism, 
xxxi, 33-34, 236, 243, 257; as presi- 
dent, xxxi, 3, 33, 34, 194; as prime 
minister, xxxi, 3, 29, 30, 194; private 
army of, 269; writings of, 33 

Nkrumah government. See First Republic 

Nkrumah Mausoleum, 252 

NLC. See National Liberation Council 

NLM. See National Liberation Movement 

Noi (a merchant), 12 

Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), 244, 
252; founded, xxxi 

nonalignment, 194, 236, 244, 252 

north, the: Muslim influence on, 7, 82, 
104; political affiliations in, 38; reli- 
gion in, 104, 105; social status in, 267 

Northern People's Party, 29 

Northern Region, 224; electricity in, 178; 
ethnic conflict in, 234; population 
density in, 74 

Northern Territories, xxxii, 17, 28, 29, 
86 

Northern Territories Constabulary, 290 

Northern Territories Protectorate, 266 

North Korea. See Korea, Democratic Peo- 
ple's Republic of 

north-south dichotomy, 267; under Brit- 
ish, 266 

NPP. S<?<?New Patriotic Party 

NRC. See National Redemption Council 

Nsawam, 67 

NUGS. See National Union of Ghanaian 
Students 

Nunoo-Mensah, Joseph: in Provisional 

National Defence Council, 48 
nutrition, 62, 74; education in, 62, 78-79 
Nyerere, Julius, 245 
Nzema language, 82 

Nzema people, 81; conflict of, with other 
ethnic groups, 260 

OAU. See Organization of African Unity 
Obeng, P.V., 50 
Obuasi, 68; gold mine at, 169 
Ocran, A.K, 38 

Office of the Head of Civil Service, 222 
Officer Cadet School, Eaton Hall (Brit- 
ain), 283 



371 



Ghana: A Country Study 



Ofin River, 68 

Ofin River Valley: gold in, 6 

oil {see also petroleum) : exploration for, 

67; price increases, 44 
Okumpreko mining company, 172 
Omari, Peter, 32 
Operation Feed Yourself, 44 
Oppong, Christine, 99 
Order of the Star of Ghana, 245 
Ordinary Level education, 120 
Organization of African Unity (OAU), 

243-44, 302; election monitors from, 

215, 246; financial assistance to, 244; 

liberation funds, 244; membership in, 

236 

Organization of African Unity Charter, 
236, 243 

Organization of African Unity Libera- 
tion Committee, 244 
Osudoku people, 88 
Oti River, 71 
Otu, M.A., 270 



Padmore, George, 27 

Palestine Liberation Organization, 251 

palm trees and products, 132, 159, 162; 
cultivation, 64, 158; exports of, 146, 
147; oil, 13, 134, 147 

PAMSCAD. See Program of Action to Mit- 
igate the Social Costs of Adjustment 

PANAFEST. See Pan-African Historical 
and Theatre Festival 

Pan-African Congress, 27 

Pan-African Historical and Theatre Festi- 
val (PANAFEST), xxxviii-xxxix 

Pan-Africanism, xxxi, 33-34, 194, 236, 
243, 244, 257, 267; armed forces and, 
268; under Nkrumah, xxxi, 33-34, 
236, 243, 257; strategy for, 34 

parliament, 231; under constitution of 
1992, 217; dissolved, 274; elections for, 
195, 197, 210, 214, 215-16, 217; legis- 
lation by, 217; members of, 217; terms 
in, 217; women elected to, 215-16 

patron-client relationship, 202 

PDCs. See People's Defence Committees 

Peace Corps, 246 

Peki people, 85 

Pentecostals: percentage of, in popula- 
tion, 102, 103, 108 
People's Convention Party, 234 



People's Daily Graphic, 222 
People's Defence Committees (PDCs), 
xxxiii, 50, 199; creation of, xxxiv; func- 
tions of, 224; opposition to, 50, 203 
People's Education Association, 125 
People's Heritage Party (PHP), 212 
People's Militia, 278; training of, 281 
People's National Convention (PNC), 

234; in election of 1992, 212 
People's National Party (PNP), 48, 196- 
97, 273; members of, 196-97; opposi- 
tion of, to Rawlings, 49 
pepper: trade in, 9, 133 
petroleum {see also oil), 174-75; explora- 
tion, 174-75; imports of, 137; produc- 
tion, 174; refining of, 174; reserves, 
174 

PFP. See Popular Front Party 
PHP See People's Heritage Party 
Pine, Richard, 264 

Pioneer, The, 222 

Pioneer Tobacco Company, 162 
Planned Parenthood Association of 

Ghana, 78 
PNC. See People's National Convention 
PNDC. See Provisional National Defence 

Council 

PNP. See People's National Party 

police, colonial, 94, 290 

police, national, xxxvi, 290, 292; educa- 
tional requirements for, 293; human 
rights abuses by, xxxvi; number of per- 
sonnel in, 292; organization of, 292; in 
peacekeeping operations, 293; politi- 
cal organs of, 199; recruitment for, 
293; reputation of, 293; training for, 
293 

Police Council, 292 

political activity: of newspapers, 25; of 
religious groups, 105 

political demonstrations: against auster- 
ity budget, 34-35, 40-41, 232; by stu- 
dents, 44, 232; against taxes, xxxvii- 
xxxviii, 208; against union govern- 
ment, 45, 272; by veterans, 268 

political detention, 32-33, 299; under 
Armed Forces Revolutionary Council, 
201, 208-9, 274, 299; of journalists, 44; 
of politicians, 49 

political dissidents, 238, 240, 258, 301 

political opposition, xxxiv-xxxvi, 228, 
234, 298, 301; under British, 261, 267; 



372 



Index 



election boycott by, 228; intimidation 
of, xxxi, xxxii, 4, 44; under Nkrumah, 
261; platform of, 216; precolonial, 
261; protests by, xxxviii, 228; relations 
of, with government, 229; strategies 
of, 228-29 

political oppression: under Nkrumah, 4; 
under Rawlings, 194, 201 

political parties {see also under individual 
parties): allowed, 37-38, 46, 211; aver- 
sion toward, 202; under constitution 
of 1992, 219; of ethnic groups, 81, 
219; formation of, 37-38; outlawed, 
xxxii, 33, 36, 81, 201-2, 274, 299; reg- 
istration of, 215; restrictions on, 32, 
219 

political traditions, 202 

political unrest: in Accra, 26; under Pro- 
visional National Defence Council, 
208, 214 

polygamy, 79,91,99, 100 

Popular Front Party (PFP), 48; opposi- 
tion of, to Rawlings, 49 

population, 73-79; in agriculture, 158; 
density, 69, 74; distribution of, 74-75; 
projected, 73, 74; rural, 77; in urban 
areas, 75-76, 96 

"Population Planning for National 
Progress and Prosperity" (1969), 78 

population statistics: birth rate, 73; death 
rate, 73; fertility rate, 73-74, 101; gen- 
der ratio, 74; growth rate, 62, 73; 
infant mortality rate, 73, 78, 112; life 
expectancy, 73, 112 

ports, 181-83 

Portugal: explorers from, 9, 104 
Portuguese traders, xxx, 9, 133, 169; 

departure of, 9-11; slave trade by, 8-9, 

169 

postal service: under British rule, 21, 147 
PP. See Progress Party 
Pra River, 67, 70 

Precious Minerals Marketing Corpora- 
tion, 168, 173 
Prempeh: exiled, 16, 17, 85, 266 
Presbyterian Church, 104, 117 
president {see also executive branch): 

under constitution of 1992, 217 
Presidential Detail Department, 269 
Presidential Guard, 278; training of, 281 
Presidential Guard Department, 269 
President's Own Guard Regiment, 281 



press {see also journalists; media; newspa- 
pers), 507; censorship of, 49; under 
Rawlings, 224 

Prestea Goldfields, 148 

Preventive Detention Act (1958, 1959, 
1962), 4, 32-33, 298; justification of, 
34; opponents jailed under, 35, 37 

prices: of cocoa, 135, 139, 141, 161; con- 
sumer, 157, 189; control of, 133; of 
food, 140; of gold, 133; of oil, 144; 
producer, 141 

priests, 107-8; health care by, 108, 109 

prime minister, 29 

prisons, 296-98; Africanization of, 296; 
under British rule, 22, 294, 296; condi- 
tions in, 297; improvements in, 22; for 
juveniles, 298; locations of, 298; num- 
ber of, 298; operation of, 297; person- 
nel in, 297-98; problems in, 296-97 

Prisons Ordinance of 1860, 296, 297 

Prisons Service Board, 297 

privatization, 52-53, 131, 144, 145; in 
agriculture, 161; in industry, 177 

Program of Action to Mitigate the Social 
Costs of Adjustment (PAMSCAD), 146 

Progressive Alliance, xxxviii, 215, 231; 
members of, 215, 230 

Progress Party (PP) , 37-38; in elections 
of 1961, 38; platform of, 39-40; sup- 
port for, 38 

Protestantism {see also under individual 
denominations) : percentage of follow- 
ers in population, 102, 103 

Provisional National Defence Council 
(PNDC) (1982-92), xxxiii, 4, 62, 105, 
136, 193, 194-200, 274-76; attempts to 
overthrow, 238; austerity program, 51- 
52, 137; constitutional protection of, 
219; decentralization plan of, 224; 
established!, 274; goals of, 50; human 
rights abuses under, 214; media 
under, 223; members of, 48, 197; and 
nonalignment, 236; opposition to, 4, 
49, 105, 207, 208; and Pan-Africanism, 
236; platform of, 50; political scene 
under, 196-99; principles of, 193-94, 
195; privatization under, 148; Rawlings 
as leader of, 195; support for, 53; and 
urban areas, 214 

Provisional National Defence Council 
(Establishment) Proclamation (Sup- 
plementary and Consequential Provi- 



373 



Ghana: A Country Study 



sions) Law (1983), 299 
Pru River, 67, 71 
Prussia: trade by, 1 1 
Psychic and Healers' Association, 113 
Public Order Decree 1972, 232 
Public Services Commission, 222 
Public Tribunals Law of 1984, 221 
public tribunals, xxxiii, 50, 51, 221, 230- 

31, 295-96, 299 



Qadhafi, Muammar al, 245 
Quaison-Sackey, Alex, 36 
Quakers, 12, 105 

Quarshigah, Courage, 209, 276, 300 
Queen's Messengers, 290 

radio, 184; broadcast languages of, 82, 

184; private, 507 
Radio Eye, 507 

railroads, 147, 181; construction of, xxxi, 
21 

Rattray, Robert S., 93, 116 

Rawlings, Jerry John, xxxiii, 125, 131; as 
Armed Forces Revolutionary Council 
leader, 195, 273; coup by, 48, 136; 
coup attempt by, 46, 193, 273; in ECO- 
WAS, xxxviii, 237, 239, 243; in elec- 
tions of 1992, 212, 214, 216; 
international security under, 258; 
jailed, 46; opposition to, 4, 49, 53, 201, 
261; as president, 227; speeches of, 
196, 229, 230; state visits by, xxxix, 
244, 245, 249; support for, 204, 205, 
214, 216 

Rawlings government, first. See Armed 
Forces Revolutionary Council 

Rawlings government, second. See Provi- 
sional National Defence Council 

Rawlings government, third. See Fourth 
Republic 

RDCs. See Regional Defence Committees 
Reconciliation Committee, 220 
refugees, 75, 199, 259 
regional assemblies, 32 
Regional Consultative Council, 227 
Regional Coordinating Council, 225, 
227 

Regional Defence Committees (RDCs), 
50 

regional tribunals, 230-31 



regions. See geographic regions 

Registered Nurses Association, 99 

religion {see also under individual sects), 
102-9; distribution of, 81, 86, 104; tra- 
ditional, 102, 103, 107-8 

Religious Bodies (Registration) Law 
(1989), 108-9 

religious organizations, 300 

religious tolerance, 103 

revolution of 1979, 193, 201 

revolution of 1981, 193, 195, 224 

Reynolds Aluminum, 176 

rice, 68 

roads, 147, 181; construction of, xxxi, 
xxxii, 34; maintenance of, 181 

Rodney, Walter, 13, 134 

Roman Catholic Church. See Catholi- 
cism, Roman 

Romania: relations with, 249 

Royal Air Force (Britain), 281 

Royal Canadian Air Force, 281 

Royal Military Academy at Sandhurst, 
279, 283 

Royal Navy (Britain), 278, 283 

Royal West African Frontier Force 
(RWAFF),257, 266, 267 

rubber, 162 

rural areas: banks in, 77, 152; develop- 
ment in, 42; electricity in, 62, 77, 117; 
families in, 77; health care in, 114; 
infrastructure of, 146; political partici- 
pation in, 200; population in, 77; 
urban influence on, 95; women in, 
100 

Rural Manifesto (1984), 77, 117 

rural-urban disparities, 75-77 

Russia {see also Soviet Union) : relations 

with, 251, 288 
RWAFF. See Royal West African Frontier 

Force 

Rwanda: peacekeeping missions in, xxx- 
viii, 237, 252, 257, 260 

Safwi people, 81 
salaries. See income; wages 
salt, 64 
Saltpond, 64 
sanitation, 112, 113, 146 
Sankara, Thomas, 240, 241 
Sarbah, J.M., 25 

Saudi Arabian Fund for Development, 



374 



Index 



251 

savannah, 69; coastal, xxix, 63, 95 
schools, xxxii, 74; under British rule, 22; 
enrollment in, 90, 101, 117, 120, 121; 
improvements in, 22; Islamic, 107; lan- 
guage of instruction in, 82; mission, 
22, 67, 104, 117; postsecondary, 67; 
primary, 120; private, 118; regulation 
of, 118; secondary, 118, 120, 121; 
socialization by, 98, 117; technical, 120 
Second Republic (1969-71) (Busia gov- 
ernment), 37-42, 271; austerity pro- 
gram of, 40, 43, 137, 271; corruption 
in, 202; debts of, 40; deportations by, 
39; expectations of, 39; human rights 
under, 298; inflation under, 40; mem- 
bers of, 38 
Securities Discount House, 152 
segmentary societies. See society, segmen- 
tary 

Sekondi-Tarkwa railroad, 21 
Sekondi-Takoradi, 224; airport at, 183 
Sene River, 71 

Serious Fraud Office, 150, 231 
Serious Fraud Office Bill (1993), 150, 
231 

service sector: as percentage of gross 
domestic product, 139; taxes on, 149 

Seven Roles of Women (Oppong and Abu) , 
99 

Shai people, 88 
shipping, 181-83 

shortages, 26, 45; of food, 159; of fuel, 

167; of housing, 62, 74, 116-17 
Sisala people: government structure of, 

xxix, 7; Muslim influence on, xxix- 

xxx, 7 

slavery: abolition of, 12, 94; acceptance 
of, 11 

slaves: demand for, 9; export of, 9, 12- 
13; supply of, 12, 263; treatment of, 
11,12 

slave trade, xxx, 133; by Africans, 8-9, 
11-12, 133, 263; by British, xxx, 9; 
from the Congo region, 8-9; by Danes 
xxx, 9; demographic impact of, 12; by 
Dutch, xxx, 9; end of, 12, 94, 134; 
importance of, 11, 133-34; by Mus- 
lims, 11-12; by Portuguese, xxx, 8-9, 
169; suppression of, 13, 263; by 
Swedes, xxx, 9; volume of, 12, 133 

smuggling, 141, 154, 155, 238; of cocoa, 



xxxii, 40, 135; of crops, xxxii, 40, 44, 

135; of diamonds, 173 
social change, 93-95 
social development, 21-24 
social relations, 90-93 
social services, 22, 139 
socialism, xxxii, 33 

Social Security and National Insurance 
Trust, 152, 162, 175 

social welfare, 115-17; and extended 
families, 115-16; government spend- 
ing on, 149 

society, segmentary, 3, 7; Muslim influ- 
ence on, 7 

Society of Friends. See Quakers 

Somalia: United Nations operations in, 
260 

Sonangol oil company, 174 

Songhai empire, 106 

Soninke kingdom of Ghana, 5; military 

achievements of, 5 
Sontrokofi people, 81 
sorghum, 6 

Soussoudis, Michael, 247 
south, the: under British rule, 95; ethnic 
groups in, xxix, 81; political affilia- 
tions in, 38; religion in, 104; social sta- 
tus in, 81, 267 
South Africa: relations with, 245 
Southern Cross Mining Company, 172 
South West Africa People's Organisation, 
244 

Soviet Union (see also Russia): education 
in, 249-50; materiel from, 269, 286; 
military advisers from, 269, 287; mili- 
tary assistance from, 283, 286-88; mili- 
tary training in, 287 

Special African Service (Technical 
Unit), 270 

Special Intelligence Unit, 269 

Special Military Tribunal, 296 

Standard, The, 105, 222 

Standard Chartered Bank of Ghana, 152 

State Committee for Economic Coopera- 
tion, 249 

state enterprises, xxxii, 146-48; effi- 
ciency of, 148; job cuts in, 157; num- 
ber of, 148; origins of, 146-47; 
privatized, 131, 147-48; subsidized, 
147 

State Enterprises Commission, 148 
State Gold Mining Corporation, 169, 172 



375 



Ghana: A Country Study 



State-Owned Enterprise Reform Pro- 
gram, 148 
stock exchange, 153 

strikes: of 1961, 35; of 1978, 272; of 1992, 
158 

structural adjustment program, xxxiii- 
xxxiv, xxxvi, 131, 136; effects of, 
xxxiii-xxxiv, 131-32, 214 
student associations, 98, 200 
student demonstrations, 44, 123, 232 
students: fees for, xxxiii, 39, 118, 122, 
123-24, 155; opposition of, to Provi- 
sional National Defence Council, 53, 
203 

subsidies: for agriculture, 160; for educa- 
tion, 122; for food, 43; for imports, 43; 
for state enterprises, 147-48 

suffrage. See voting 

sugar, 162 

Sunday Mirror, 222 

Sunyani, 224 

Superior Court of Judicature, 217 

Supreme Court of Ghana, 217, 220, 295; 
decisions of, 231-32 

Supreme Military Council (1972-79), 
xxxii, 272; established, 43, 44; infla- 
tion under, 45; members of, 43; oppo- 
sition to, 44, 45; overthrown, 46; 
platform of, 43 

Sweden: materiel from, 277; slave trade 
by, xxx, 9, 12; trade by, xxx, 9, 11 

Switzerland: materiel from, 277 



Tafi people, 81 

Takoradi: harbor at, xxxi, 22, 63, 182; 
rainfall in, 73; thermal power plant at, 
251 

Talensi people, 87; criminal justice sys- 
tem of, 293-94; government structure 
of, xxix, 7; Muslim influence on, xxix- 
xxx, 7 

Tamale, 77, 224; airport at, 183, 278; 

rainfall in, 73 
Tano River, 67, 68, 70; navigation on, 70, 

71, 182-83 
Tanzania: intelligence officers in, 288; 

state visit to, 244 
Tarkwa goldfield, 67 
taxes, 141, 157; under British rule, 117; 

collection of, 149-50; demonstrations 

against, 208, xxxvii-xxxviii; under 



Economic Recovery Program, 144, 
145; on economic sectors, 149; evasion 
of, 149-50; on fuel, 150; on imports, 
149; on individuals, 149; and invest- 
ment, 186; as a percentage of gross 
domestic product, 136; sales, xxxviii; 
revenue from, 132, 136; value-added, 
xxxvi i, xxxviii 
Taylor, Charles, 242 

teachers: Nkrumah's appeal for, 28; 
number of, 120; training of, 22, 120; 
women as, 101-2 

Teberebie mine, 172 

Technical Unit (Special African Ser- 
vice), 270 

telecommunications, 180, 183-84; under 
British rule, 21, 147; deterioration of, 
180; improvements in, 61, 183 

telephones, 183; rehabilitation of, 250; 
service, 183-84 

television, 184; broadcast languages of, 
82; rehabilitation of, 250 

Tema-Akosombo oil pipeline, 174-75 

Tema harbor, 63, 181, 182 

Tema Lube Oil Company, 175 

Teshi Military Academy, 286 

Tettegah, John: opposition of, to Nkru- 
mah, 35 

Third Republic (1979-81), 47-48, 202; 
established, 47; overthrown, 48 

31st December 1981 Revolution. See rev- 
olution of 1981 

31st December Women's Movement, 56, 
199, 216 

timber (see also forests; forestry): export 
of, xxix, xxxiii, xxxvii, 21, 51, 132, 138, 
141, 165, 166; production, xxix, xxxiii, 
134, 158, 159; trade in, 13 

Timber Export Development Board, 165 

tobacco, 162 

Togo: border with, 62; dissidents from, 
258; dissidents in, 238, 258; electricity 
exported to, 178, 238; Ewe people in, 
85; Ghanaians expelled from, 239, 
259; health care professionals in, 113; 
refugees from, 75, 239, 259; relations 
with, xxxviii, 237-40, 258-59; smug- 
gling into, 44 

Togoland: division of, 238; plebiscite for 
union, 30, 238 

Togoland Liberation Movement, 238 

Tori people, 85 



376 



Index 



tourism, 179-80, 250; investment in, 186 
Town and Village Development Commit- 
tees, 56 
town councils, 227 

trade {see also balance of trade; exports; 
imports), 140-44; black market as per- 
centage of, 141; deficit, xxxii, xxxvii, 
137; diversification of, 138-39; under 
Economic Recovery Program, 140- 
41; European merchants in, xxx, 3, 8; 
by Ewe, 86; gold, xxx, 5, 9, 133; ivory, 
9; Muslims in, 6-7; in slaves, xxx, 8-9, 
11-12, 13, 94, 133-34, 169, 263; spices, 
9 

Trade Union Congress (TUC), xxxvii, 
48, 98, 158, 203; functions of, 98; 
membership of, 204; opposition of, to 
Nkrumah, 35; opposition of, to Rawl- 
ings, 49; protests by, 40-41; relations 
of, with government, 204; support of, 
for Rawlings, 204 

trade unions, 157, 200; civil service, 222; 
under Fourth Republic, 204 

traditional councils, 224, 230 

Traditional Healers' Association, 110 

Training School, 286 

transportation, 180-83; under British 
rule, xxix, 21, 22, 147; cost of, 181; 
deterioration of, 180; economic prob- 
lems of, 44; infrastructure, 165, 180; 
public, 147; railroads, 21, 147; repair 
of, 180; roads, 147; vehicles, 180; 
water, 182-83 

Treaty of Fomena, 265-66 

tribunals {see also courts), xxxiii, 50, 51, 
220, 221, 230, 295-96; military, 296; 
national public, xxxiv, 51, 221, 295, 
296, 299; public, 230-31, 299; 
regional, 230-31 

Tsikata, Kojo, 50, 201, 274 

TUC. See Trade Union Congress 

Tutu, Osei, 7-8, 262 

Twifu kingdom: gold in, 6 

Twi language, 7 

Uganda: state visit to, 244 
UGCC. See United Gold Coast Conven- 
tion 

unemployment, 53, 157; attempts to alle- 
viate, 39; under British rule, 26, 27; 
under Fourth Republic, xxxiii, xxxvi- 



xxxvii, 52 

UNESCO. See United Nations Educa- 
tional, Scientific, and Cultural Organi- 
zation 

Union of African States, 243 

unit committees, 227 

United Gold Coast Convention (UGCC), 
xxxi, 26-27, 33, 268; founded, xxxi, 
26; Nkrumah in, xxxi, 27; platform of, 
26-27 

United Nations: Children's Fund, assis- 
tance from, 111; Conference on Trade 
and Development, 252; Educational, 
Scientific, and Cultural Organization 
(UNESCO), 101; membership in, 251; 
peacekeeping missions, xxxviii, xxxix, 
237, 252, 257, 260, 293, 302; Security 
Council, 252 

United Party (UP), 33 

United States: aid from, 78, 176, 187, 
235, 247; covert activities of, 247; 
imports of slaves by, 12-13; influences 
of, 217; military exercises with, 281; 
military training by, 289; Rawlings's 
visit to, xxxix; relations with, 246-48, 
276; trade with, 143; treaties with, 
246-47; in World War II, 268 

United States of Africa, 34, 243 

Universal Declaration of Human Rights 
and Fundamental Freedoms, 205 

universities: closed, 44; enrollment in, 
121; fees for, 39, 123-24, 155; govern- 
ment funding for, 42; proposed new, 
123; women in, 101 

University College of the Gold Coast, 
xxxi, 22, 123 

University of Cape Coast, 124 

University of Development Studies, 123, 
250 

University of Ghana, 123; adult educa- 
tion in, 125; demographic unit of, 78 

University of Science and Technology, 
123 

UP. See United Party 

Upper East Region, 224; electricity in, 
178; population density in, 75 

Upper Volta. See Burkina Faso 

Upper West Region, 224; administrative 
districts in, 227; urbanization in, 76 

urban areas: children in, 98; definition 
of, 75; ethnic groups in, 81; families 
in, 77, 98; housing shortages in, 62, 



377 



Ghana: A Country Study 



74, 116-17; influence of, on rural 
areas, 95; infrastructure of, 146; lin- 
eage in, 98; population in, 75-76, 96; 
Provisional National Defence Council 
and, 214; women in, 102 

urban councils, 227 

urbanization, 42, 61, 76, 94, 95 

urban migration, 81, 95, 96 

urban society, 96-99 

Valco. SeeVoltz. Aluminum Company 
Verandah Boys, 27 
veterans, 24, 26 

Volta Aluminum Company (Valco), 
xxxii, 175 

Volta Basin, 6, 63, 69, 75 

Volta Delta, 63, 64; agriculture in, 64 

Voltaic languages, 87 

Volta Region, xxx, 224; agriculture in, 
160; political affiliations in, 38; reli- 
gious groups in, 104 

Volta River, 61, 67, 68, 70; navigation on, 
71, 182-83 

Volta River Authority, 178 

Volta River Project, 176 

Volunteer Corps, 267 

voters: number of, 211, 215; register of, 
xxxiv, xxxv, 211, 216, 228, 234-35 

voting: under constitution of 1992, 219; 
rights, 219 

Wa, 224 

wages (see also income), 137, 155, 157- 

58; minimum, xxxvii, 136, 139, 158 
Wala people, 87 
Ware I, Opoku, 8 

water: under British rule, 22, 147; 
improvements in, 22; safe, 112; 
sources of, 72; supply, 146 
WDCs. See Workers' Defence Committees 
W.E.B. DuBois Memorial Center for Pan- 
African Culture, 244 
Weekly Spectator, 222-23 
West African Frontier Force, 266 
West African Students' Union, 27 
Western Region, 224; agriculture in, 160; 

infrastructure in, 166; mining in, 172 
Western Sahara: peacekeeping missions 

in, xxxviii, 257 
White Volta River, 71 



WHO. See World Health Organization 
Wilks, Ivor, 8 

Winneba, 64; water for, 72 

Wolseley, Sir Garnet, 15, 265 

women: AIDS in, 115; Akan, 100; in 
armed forces, 279; and child-bearing, 
78, 99, 101; education of, 61-62, 101, 
118, 121, 126; Ewe, 86; family educa- 
tion for, 78-79; influence of, 102; 
inheritance by, 100, 101; literacy of, 
125; marriage of, 99; and moderniza- 
tion, 101; Nkrumah's appeal for, 28; 
nutritional programs for, 62, 78; occu- 
pations of, 100, 101-2, 297; in politics, 
215-16, 235; position of, 99-102; pris- 
ons for, 298; rights of, 219; roles of, 99; 
rural, 100; urban, 102 

women's associations, 62, 200 

workers: Nkrumah's appeal for, 27-28; 
number of, 156; opposition of, to Pro- 
visional National Defence Council, 
203; protests by, 34-35; under Third 
Republic, 48 

Workers' Compensation Act (1986), 116 

Workers' Defence Committees (WDCs), 
xxxiii, 50, 199; opposition to, 50, 203 

work force, 155-58; under austerity pro- 
gram, 40; Nkrumah's goals for, 34 

World Bank, 137; aid from, 52, 131, 146, 
176, 187; loan from, 136, 145, 165-66, 
170, 181; structural adjustment pro- 
gram, xxxiii, 131, 236, 276, 301-2 

World Council of Churches, 105, 205 

World Health Organization (WHO): 
assistance from, 111, 112, 114, 115 

"World Leaders' Declaration on Popula- 
tion" (1967), 78 

World War I, 22-24, 266-67 

World War II, 22, 24, 267-68 



Yaa Asantewaa, 266 
Yankey, Ambrose, 269 
Yatenga kingdom, 6 
Yeltsin, Boris, 251 

Young Pioneer Movement, 34, 261, 287 
youth: Nkrumah's appeal for, 27-28 

Zimbabwe: state visit to, 244, 245 
zonal councils, 225 



378 



Contributors 



LaVerle Berry is Senior Research Specialist for Africa with the 
Federal Research Division, Library of Congress. 

Nancy L. Clark is Associate Professor of History at California 
Polytechnic State University. 

James L. McLaughlin is a retired United States Army colonel 
who has written numerous articles on Africa and the Mid- 
dle East. 

Thomas P. Ofcansky is Senior African Analyst with the Depart- 
ment of Defense. 

Maxwell Owusu is Professor of Anthropology at the University 
of Michigan. 

David Owusu-Ansah is Associate Professor of History at James 
Madison University. 



379 



Published Country Studies 



550-65 


Afghanistan 


550-98 


Albania 


550-44 


Algeria 


550-59 


Angola 


550-73 


Argentina 


550-111 


Armenia, Azerbaijan, 




and Georgia 


550-169 


Australia 


550-176 


Austria 


550-175 


Bangladesh 


550-112 


Belarus and Moldova 


550-170 


Belgium 


550-66 


Bolivia 


550-20 


Brazil 


550-168 


Bulgaria 


550-61 


Burma 


550-50 


Cambodia 


550-166 


Cameroon 


550-159 


Chad 


550-77 


Chile 


550-60 


China 


550-26 


Colombia 


550-33 


Commonwealth Carib 




bean, Islands of the 


550-91 


Congo 


550-90 


Costa Rica 


550-69 


Cote d'l voire (Ivory 




Coast) 


550-152 


Cuba 


550-22 


Cyprus 


550-158 


Czechoslovakia 



(Area Handbook Series) 

550-36 Dominican Republic 

and Haiti 

550-52 Ecuador 

550-13 Egypt 

550-150 El Salvador 

550-28 Ethiopia 

550-167 Finland 

550-173 Germany, East 

550-155 Germany, Fed. Rep. of 

550-153 Ghana 

550-87 Greece 

550-78 Guatemala 

550-174 Guinea 

550-82 Guyana and Belize 

550-151 Honduras 

550-165 Hungary 

550-21 India 

550-154 Indian Ocean 

550-39 Indonesia 

550-68 Iran 

550-31 Iraq 

550-25 Israel 

550-182 Italy 

550-30 Japan 

550-34 Jordan 

550-56 Kenya 

550-81 Korea, North 

550-41 Korea, South 

550-58 Laos 

550-24 Lebanon 

550-38 Liberia 



381 



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Libya 


550-184 


Singapore 


550-172 


Malawi 


550-86 


Somalia 


550-45 


Malaysia 


550-93 


South Africa 


550-161 


Mauritania 


550-95 


Soviet Union 


550-79 


Mexico 


550-179 


Spain 


550-76 


Mongolia 


550-96 


Sri Lanka 


550-49 


Morocco 


550-27 


Sudan 


550-64 


Mozambique 


550-47 


Syria 


550-35 


Nepal and Bhutan 


550-62 


Tanzania 


550-88 


Nicaragua 


550-53 


Thailand 


550-157 


Nigeria 


550-89 


Tunisia 


550-94 


Oceania 


550-80 


Turkey 


550-48 


Pakistan 


550-74 


Uganda 


550-46 


Panama 


550-97 


Uruguay 




Para trnav 


550-71 


Venezuela 


550-185 


Persian Gulf States 


550-32 


Vietnam 


550-42 


Peru 


550-183 


Yemens, The 


550-72 


Philippines 


550-99 


Yugoslavia 


550-162 


Poland 


550-67 


Zaire 


550-181 


Portugal 


550-75 


Zambia 


550-160 


Romania 


550-171 


Zimbabwe 


550-37 


Rwanda and Burundi 






550-51 


Saudi Arabia 






550-70 


Senegal 






550-180 


Sierra Leone 







382 



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